The California Endowment Youth Voices For Change Awards

The California Endowment Youth Awards was created to celebrate the long-standing efforts and achievements of youth, youth groups, and youth-empowering organizations throughout California who have inspired their peers and communities while embodying the values of The California Endowment. The awards are given in recognition of young leaders whose actions impact public policies, create innovative models of service, strengthen local institutions, and inspire youth power. This year, six young leaders who have done exceptional work in immigration, education, environmental justice, LGBTQ and gender justice, ending mass incarceration, or inclusive community development received a Voices for Change Award. Bioneers asked the youth awardees a few questions to get a deeper understanding of the motivations and visions they have for their work. 

Education: Mya Edwards-Peña

Grassroots Leader of  Students Deserve

Mya Edwards-Peña is an alumni of Venice High School (Class of 2020); a member of the grassroots community organization, Students Deserve, that is dedicated to making Black Lives Matter in schools. She is the author of her first published poetry chapbook titled “Embracing the Weeds”, published by Project Knucklehead. She is a first year college student at Goucher College, striving to become a Dance Teacher and continues to be a poetry enthusiast. Mya is dedicated to using creativity and advocacy to educate around social justice issues and uplift communities of color. As a leader in Students Deserve, she highlights the transformative power of the arts and has used her creative activism to elevate Black voices, bring attention to school practices that criminalize students of color, and advocate for restorative practices.

What vision do you have for your work? 

“I vision to continue moving and liberating others through my work. I hope to become a dance teacher and have my own dance studio in order to support youth of color in dancing and moving to heal themselves from any traumatic experiences they have had or have experienced. I see myself working with students, being a support system to them by supporting their creativity, and helping them rise above racism and White supremacy.”

Environmental Justice: Kimberly Amaya

Co-founder of Youth in Action (Ya!)

Kimberly Amaya is actively advocating to ensure that her community of Long Beach, California, can live in a safe environment free from toxic pollutants. She has been passionate about protecting the environment since joining the Green Team in middle school and passionate about protecting her community since joining East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice in high school. She helped co-found YA! (Youth in Action) at her high school after learning about the environmental racism her community suffers from. She participated in the Marina Pando Social Justice Research Collaborative on a project focused on how refineries work and their harmful effects on communities. She has also participated in the planning committee for the West Long Beach Bike Toxic Tour that informs community members not only about the various polluting facilities harming the community, but also how the community has been thriving with grassroots organizing and community-based solutions. She is currently at California State University, Long Beach for a B.S. in Mechanical Engineering and hopes to work in the renewable energy sector for a future with sustainable development.

Where are you drawing resilience from for your work? 

“I continue my work for my family and the community. Clean air and water should not be something people have to fight for; stories from people in my community and from all around the world motivate me to keep going and hopefully make an impact no matter how small it is.”

What vision do you have for your work? 

“I want to be a part of the process that moves us away from an oil and gas infrastructure and into clean renewable energy. I want to be a part of moving away from a capitalist system into a regenerative system and connecting back to our ancestral roots (decolonizing our way of thinking). I want to live in a healthy, happy, green environment. I do it for future generations and for the people in my life now.”

Immigration: Jennifer Lico

Youth Leader at Central American Resource Center (CARECEN) 

 Jennifer Lico is a 16-year-old student and activist who works to defend the human and civil rights of immigrants, ensure social and economic justice, and promote cultural diversity in Los Angeles and across the state of California. She is a leading youth voice at the Central American Resource Center (CARECEN) where she explores creative, community led approaches to supporting immigrant communities and simultaneously advocates for impactful state-level policies. With family from El Salvador and Mexico, she hopes to inspire others to raise their voices for others.

Where are you drawing resilience from for your work? 

I love to know that I am helping people in any way that I can. I know that there are people, such as the migrants that are locked up in cages at the border, who can’t fight for themselves at the moment so I try my best to do what I can in order to fight for their justice and freedom. I am happy to know that I am doing something good with the privilege I have of living in the US.”

What vision do you have for your work? 

The vision that I have for my work is to get other people involved in it, especially students my age. I began working with a non-profit community at CARECEN when I was in 6th grade. I wish to see many other students who come after me to be passionate about fighting for others.”

Inclusive Community Development: Bernadette Lim

Founder of Freedom Community Clinic and the Institute for Healing and Justice in Medicine

Bernadette Lim is a community activist, healer, and daughter of Filipinx and Toisanese immigrants. She is the founder and a core organizer of the Freedom Community Clinic, a grassroots initiative that has provided free whole-person healing services combining the strengths of Western medicine and ancestral/holistic healing to 1,500+ people in the Bay Area and beyond, particularly people of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color communities. She is also the co-founder of the Institute for Healing and Justice in Medicine, creator and host of the Woke WOC Docs podcast, and founder of the Freedom School for Intersectional Medicine and Health Justice. By day, she is a third year at UCSF School of Medicine and recently earned her Masters at UC Berkeley School of Public Health through the UC Berkeley-UCSF Joint Medical Program. She graduated from Harvard University in 2016 with cum laude honors. In the future, Bernadette aims to continue expanding whole-person healing for under-resourced communities through holistic healing and primary care.

Where are you drawing resilience from for your work? 

 “I am rooted in the strength of my loved ones, ancestors, and generations before me who have fought for the freedoms I live and breathe everyday. I also take a good amount of time to heal, rest, and care for myself as a revolutionary act in the midst of capitalist systems that seek to only see my value through the lens of labor and non-stop grind. As I take care of myself, I clearly realize that our future must be one that is rooted in joy and community, so I do my best to embody that as much as I can.”

What vision do you have for your work? 

“I vision creating a community health movement that creates accessible, whole-person healing spaces led by and for Black, Indigenous, and Brown communities that combine the strengths of ancestral/Indigenous/holistic healing with the strengths of Western medicine. I work towards a future where each person affirms that rest and community healing is part of protest and revolution. Ultimately,  I vision and work towards a world where each person is cared for, affirmed, and loved.”

LGBTQ & Gender Justice: Chiqui Diaz (Photo)

Board Member of Beyond Differences, Social Justice Fellow at the Spahr Center

Chiqui Diaz is a youth activist and a high school sophomore from San Rafael, California. She has always been passionate about social justice, and has been very active in her community since middle school. Chiqui is a teen board member of Beyond Differences, a youth led social justice movement working to end social isolation. She is also a social justice fellow at the Spahr Center, a Marin agency dedicated to advocating for the needs of the LGBTQ+ community and people living with HIV/AIDS. She is a strong believer in the power of storytelling, empathy, and youth voice, and she is very passionate about LGBTQ+ and all human rights.

Where are you drawing resilience from for your work? 

“For my work, I draw resilience from  the supportive community of my loving friends and family, the strong community of other amazing activists fighting for systemic change, and the incredible community of other LGBTQ+ folks that I am so grateful to be a part of. The work that I do is not easy work. Change comes slow, and sometimes it feels like we are losing more than we are winning. It is so easy to give up and lose hope. At the end of the day, though, hope is all that we have. I have hope in humanity, and when I feel like that that hope is slipping away, I turn to my community. My incredible community full of kind, strong, and extraordinary people that help strengthen my hope every single day. It is because of community that I do this work, and it is in community that I find resilience.” 

What vision do you have for your work? 

“My vision for my work, on a broad level, is to abolish systemic oppression. I dream of a world where society places no limits or norms on LGBTQ+ folks or any other marginalized person, where they are not only free to thrive as their authentic selves, but they are celebrated for it in all aspects of life. I dream of a world where queer joy flourishes and greatly outweighs queer oppression. I know, however, that we are far away from this goal. It is not lost on me that the day that I found out I had received the Youth Voices for Change Award was the same day that Amy Coney Barrett was confirmed to the Supreme Court. With this in mind, I have another hope. I hope that we can reach a point where it is not only the marginalized who are fighting for an end to systemic oppression, but those who hold the power and the privilege of the dominant identity as well. I hope that those with privilege recognize the importance of this work and make an effort to actively participate and fight for the rights of others. Because until all of us are truly equal, none of us are truly free.”

Ending Mass Incarceration: Peter Elias

Youth leader with Fathers & Families of San Joaquin

Peter Elias is committed to dismantling the school-to-prison pipeline, closing youth prisons, and elevating youth justice. Growing up on the East Side of Stockton, CA—a community notorious for being over policed and under resourced—Peter’s lived experiences have made him a warrior for change. From mentoring other youth to organizing in his community of Stockton to being an instrumental voice in front of legislators, Peter continues to be an agent of change and youth leader with Fathers & Families of San Joaquin. Through his work with the organization, Peter met Brandon Harrison who galvanized him to step up for himself and others.

What vision do you have for your work? 

“My vision for my work to be able to guide youth in the right direction and not into the system also to dismantle the school to prison pipeline.”

Making Democracy a Habit

By Will Flagle, Senior Research Associate at Democracy Collaborative


Will Flagle

The recent election has brought renewed attention to the undemocratic nature of institutions like the Senate and the Electoral College. Yet the lack of democratic accountability within our day-to-day institutions—like our workplaces—has gone unremarked.

Today, many have lost faith in the ability of citizens to wield collective power. But this perspective overlooks important context. Without the opportunity to exercise power in our daily lives, our civic capacities are weakened and left untapped. At a time when support for democracy is declining in the United States, undemocratic institutions can instill a passive and fatalistic outlook that erodes democratic sentiments and leaves us open to manipulation by demagogues. But this needn’t be the case.

Practicing democracy is like exercising a muscle: the more one does it, the easier it gets. People who vote in one election, for example, are more likely to vote in the next one. Expanding arenas for practicing democracy can help individuals strengthen their democratic capacities.

Workplace democracy, participatory budgeting, cohousing, and “minipublics” like Oregon’s Citizens’ Initiative Review program provide individuals with the opportunity to experience shared power or deliberate together over matters of collective importance. Research shows that practicing democracy can build a sense of political agency and boost political participation.

Daily life for many is deeply undemocratic. “Democratic institutions have been mere ornaments in the social life of the advanced capitalist nations,” observe the economists Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, “proudly displayed to visitors, and admired by all, but used sparingly. The places where things really get done—in such core institutions as families, armies, factories, and offices—have been anything but democratic.” Such an environment undermines our democratic potential and makes apathy a rational response. Why develop civic capacities—why inform oneself about political issues or learn how to engage in productive dialogue across difference—when one’s day to day experience communicates one simple message: your voice doesn’t matter? Without a say in the institutions that structure their lives, many feel powerless.

Yet a sense of one’s own ability to effect political change is crucial for democratic participation. Fatalistic individuals—those who feel they cannot make a difference—have lower support for democracy and research has found holding fatalistic beliefs to be predictive of support for authoritarianism. An environment where many feel disenfranchised, therefore, is ripe for demagogic manipulation. Passive spectatorship can turn into anger and resentment paired with a willingness to defer to the whims of a “strong” leader who won’t bother with democratic niceties. But such outcomes are not inevitable.

Getting a regular democratic workout

Within the economic sphere, worker cooperatives give employees the opportunity to learn democracy by actually practicing it. Employees own and control such firms on the basis of one person, one vote—they elect their board of directors and, in some cases, participate in more direct, day-to-day decisions. Research from Japan, the U.S., and Poland has found that democratic attitudes, values, and capacities can spill over beyond the workplace. Another study, based on survey responses by 14,000 workers in 27 countries, found that increased workplace voice is associated with a greater likelihood of voting, participating in political groups, petitioning, demonstrating, or boycotting. The study suggests that going from a workplace where employees have no say in how their firm is run to one where they have full control increases the probably of voting by more than 4 percentage points—a difference that is comparable to the impact of the most effective get out the vote tactics. Research shows that increased workplace democracy is also associated with a stronger sense of political agency, interest in politics, and support for democracy.

Participatory budgeting offers another venue for practicing democracy. In operation since 1989 in Porto Alegre, Brazil, participatory budgeting allows residents to direct substantial sums of investment in their city or neighborhood. Today, participatory budgeting exists in more than 1700 cities worldwide (including New York, Chicago, St. Louis, and Greensboro, North Carolina). Democratizing investment decisions can strengthen civic capacities by providing the opportunity to develop deliberative skills and make a tangible difference in one’s community. One study found that participatory budgeting participants are about 7 percent more likely to vote in future elections.

Cohousing also provide a space for honing civic habits. Within cohousing arrangements, families and individuals maintain their own private homes, yet are part of a broader community with shared spaces, activities, resources, and responsibilities. Members plan, deliberate, and decide on their collective existence. Research suggests that cohousing members can increase their civic skills and sense of agency, promoting political participation. Specifically, Berggren found an association between participating in cohousing activities (like meetings) and increased regularity in writing to congress, contributing to political campaigns, and campaigning door-to-door.

“Minipublics” like Oregon’s Citizens’ Initiative Review (CIR) provide another possible arena to cultivate democratic capacities. The Oregon CIR selects a demographically balanced, random sample of voters to discuss a state ballot measure, interface with experts, and then write up a short statement sent to every voter to help guide their decisions. Evidence suggests that deliberative spaces like those in the CIR can increase a sense of political efficacy and democratic participation. In a 2015 study of the Oregon’s Citizens’ Initiative Review, participants reported an increased understanding of political issues and sense of political efficacy. They were also more likely to volunteer in their community and discuss issues with other community members.

Deliberation appears to support other democratic skills and mindsets as well. Research has found that in the right environment everyday people have the capacity to engage in well-reasoned decision-making and find common ground across cultural differences. A participatory budgeting campaign in Mongolia that utilized deliberation among randomly selected residents found that—after deliberating—participants had more respect for those with whom they disagreed and exhibited a greater willingness to compromise. 

Such “minipublics” —where randomly selected residents can deliberate on issues—have been implemented widely, including in California, Texas, Canada, the UK, and Germany. While many are only consultative bodies that do not make policy, they can still have significant political impacts. A citizen’s assembly in Ireland, for example, played a role in helping resolve their country’s longstanding impasse over abortion.

There are also opportunities to give minipublics more political power or influence. Some have proposed bicameral legislatures, with one house composed of elected representatives and the other a “sortition assembly” occupied by randomly drawn citizens. Others have suggested giving minipublics the ability to set the political agenda by putting proposals on the ballot for voters to decide.

Democracy as a way of life

The examples of workplace democracy, participatory budgeting, cohousing, and minipublics are not exhaustive of the possible spaces for individuals to flex their democratic muscles. The philosopher John Dewey saw democracy as a “personal way of individual life,” borne of the habits, attitudes, and character traits cultivated—or corrupted—by  “all the relations of life” including those within families, firms, schools, and religious institutions. In 1937, Dewey cautioned that:

Wherever [democracy] has fallen it was too exclusively political in nature. It had not become part of the bone and blood of the people in [the] daily conduct of its life. Democratic forms were limited to Parliament, elections and combats between parties. … unless democratic habits of thought and action are part of the fiber of a people, political democracy is insecure. It can not stand in isolation. It must be buttressed by the presence of democratic methods in all social relationships.

As we have seen, there are many ways to invigorate our democratic marrow and inoculate our body politic against authoritarian or technocratic infection.

Expanding democratic venues has one benefit not yet mentioned: freedom. Why do we limit self-rule to the political sphere and not the economic sphere or other areas of social existence? At the heart of democracy is the idea that liberty requires collective self-governance. Whether power is wielded by a corporation or a state, those affected deserve democratic accountability. If that is the case, if people should ideally have a say in the institutional decisions that effect their important interests, then the reach of democracy is unjustly constrained at present. Providing people with the opportunity to practice democracy in the workplace, the domestic sphere, the municipal budget, and empowered minipublics advances liberty when it gives people more control over their lives. And it just might increase their sense of personal agency, their level of civic participation, and their faith in democracy at the same time. Our body politic is sick. As John Dewey once wrote, “the cure for the ailments of democracy is more democracy”—just not more of the same.

Watch & Share Keynotes from the 2020 Conference Now!

This article contains the content from the 1/15/2021 Bioneers Pulse newsletter. Sign up here to get the newsletter straight to your inbox!


As we closed out a tumultuous year, the 2020 Bioneers Conference was a much-needed gathering around solutions to our biggest social and environmental challenges.

Now we’re sharing this wisdom with the world. We’re excited to announce the release of all 2020 keynote addresses! Visit the full collection here.

This week, we’re featuring just a few (not an easy choice!) of the incredible talks from this event, with leaders from a variety of fields share their guidance on critical issues like Indigenous rights, feminist climate leadership, and more. Check out the featured talks below and stay tuned for more as we unpack and share the collective wisdom from the 2020 Bioneers Conference. 


Cutcha Risling Baldy: Indigenous Voices for Decolonized Futures

“At the heart of this decolonization has to be land return. We don’t need to think about that as the last step, like after we’ve decolonized our minds, our curriculums, our movies, our TV shows, our clothing, then maybe we’ll finally get to the return of land. I say let’s start with the return of land and know that it’s possible, and it’s powerful, and that it’s going to be the thing that changes the world.”

Cutcha Risling Baldy is a professor and the co-founder of the Native Women’s Collective, a nonprofit supporting the revitalization of Native American arts and culture, researches Indigenous feminisms, California Indians and decolonization.

In this keynote talk, Cutcha explores how Indigenous peoples are leading the way in developing strategies for climate resilience. She provides a three-step approach to re-imagining climate and environmental justice in California and beyond, focusing on concrete actions that challenge us to dream better futures together.

Watch Cutcha’s full keynote here.


Racial Justice Beyond Trump: Confronting an American Legacy

This panel brings together leaders in the areas of voting rights, technological futures and immigrants’ rights to discuss where we should focus racial justice efforts for the Biden administration, and how everyday Americans can re-imagine ways of healing the fractured soul of our nation. Racial justice advocates reflect on the question, “How do we address setbacks posed to racial justice over the last four years, as well as institutional racism that persists and has never been addressed in the nation’s history?”

Read more here.


Trathen Heckman: The Power of Small for Big Transformations

“We can build the resilience to stay awake and engaged in the great work of remaking our lives and world through an infinite procession of itsy, bitsy small actions and efforts. The power of small is much bigger than you think. But we have to believe, and we have to invest, and we have to keep leaning in.”

Trathen Heckman is the founder and Director of Daily Acts Organization, a non-profit dedicated to “transformative action that creates connected, equitable, climate resilient communities.”

In this keynote talk, Trathen reflects on how we can nurture hope, build power, and contribute meaningfully—even while the world confronts multiple, epochal crises. Though these problems seem larger than life, our greatest power may lie in our closest communities, in small daily acts of courage and conviction.

Watch Trathen’s full keynote here.


One Earth: Integrating Climate Action and Biodiversity Conservation into a Blueprint for a Livable Planet

This panel discussion weighs the vast biodiversity of our planet—the underlying fabric supporting all life on Earth—with the solutions we need to slow plummeting biodiversity rates, accelerating extinction of various species, and reverse the grim prognosis of climate change. Watch this panel now to hear climate leaders reflect on new projects that are providing a roadmap to sustainability, including the Global Safety Net, which focuses on Indigenous stewardship and grassroots action.

Watch here.


Ayana Johnson: The Feminist Climate Renaissance: Truth, Courage, and Solutions for the Climate Crisis

“We need transformational leadership to transform society, with this clear task science has set before us. We need feminist climate leadership, which is wide open to people of any gender. This is where possibility lives — possibility that we can turn away from the brink and move toward a life-giving future for all.”

Dr. Ayana Elizabeth Johnson is a Brooklyn native marine biologist and policy expert. Her mission is to build community around solutions for our climate crisis.

In this keynote talk, Ayana explains how she developed a passion for marine biology and ocean conservation. She draws from the brand new anthology of wisdom by women climate leaders she co-edited with Katharine Wilkinson, All We Can Save: Truth, Courage, and Solutions for the Climate Crisis, to share her vision of how emerging forms of honest, heart-centered leadership can help humanity address the greatest crisis it has ever faced.

Watch Ayana’s full keynote here.


The Latest from Bioneers.org:

  • Kim Stanley Robinson on his book ‘The Ministry for the Future’” | The Ministry for the Future is the latest novel by legendary science fiction author Kim Stanley Robinson. In this interview with Bioneers Senior Producer J.P. Harpignies, Robinson discusses the inspiration for this book: a remarkable vision for climate change over the coming decades.
  • Money and Myth: Supporting Local Food Systems to Reinvent the Economy” | Woody Tasch, founder of Slow Money — a nonprofit organization catalyzing the flow of capital to local food systems — is reimagining what it means to reinvest in people through the development of local food systems. Here’s an excerpt from the prologue of his latest book, “AHA! Fake Trillions, Real Billions, Beetcoin and the Great American Do-Over.”
  • Using the Pandemic as a Catalyst for Change: Advocating for Herbicide-Free Campuses and Non Toxic Spaces” | Now is the optimal moment for schools to prioritize health and social justice. Herbicide-Free Campus writes this essay about their commitment to upholding a new caliber of safety — and only through ending the use of toxic pesticides in public green spaces can we truly achieve that goal.

This article contains the content from the 1/15/2021 Bioneers Pulse newsletter. Sign up here to get the newsletter straight to your inbox!

Interview with Kim Stanley Robinson about his book “The Ministry for the Future”

The Ministry for the Future is the latest novel by legendary science fiction author Kim Stanley Robinson. In this interview with Bioneers Senior Producer J.P. Harpignies, Robinson discusses the inspiration for this book: a remarkable vision for climate change over the coming decades. Note: The text below is an edited version of the actual interview.

J.P. HARPIGNIES: Stan, was your most recent book, The Ministry for the Future, a departure for you? The climate series you did was pretty close topically and in time, but somehow this had more of a sense of immediacy and the emotional stakes felt a little higher to me, but perhaps I’m misreading that?

KIM STANLEY ROBINSON: Ministry is in the same time frame as Green Earth, and it’s even the same as Antarctica, which I wrote back in ’97. But this time I decided to try to go right for the heart of the problem, and I would say that I’ve never done that before, placing a story in the near future, and going right at the main issues facing us,  without distancing them in one way or another.  Like in Green Earth, they’re dealing with an abrupt climate change, the Gulf Stream stalling, which was something on the table around 2000, but isn’t the main thing that’s going to hammer us; it’s a kind of derivative effect. So Ministry is not dissimilar to those earlier books, but I decided that it was time to put all my cards on the table and go right at it.

JP: You’ve often happily claimed the title of a utopian novelist, and this is definitely utopian in its outcomes to some degree, because we find humanity grappling with this crisis more successfully than it has so far, but it’s really quite Machiavellian in the path to that utopian outcome, which is extremely dark in some ways. Some of the pressure points and the ways that humanity is forced to deal with the issue are extremely, intensely violent. So how did you feel about that, the wrestling between the utopian and Machiavellian elements in the narrative?

STAN: Well, I conceptualized it as being a utopia that you could still believe in, and that made it hard. That made it like a double bind almost, because we’re in such a tough situation now, and it’s not looking good. We’re not on the right course. So I wanted to portray a best-case scenario, but it seems to me that to make it something that the reader can still believe in, starting from now, bad things are going to happen, and there were going to be people impacted so horrifically by the climate disasters coming down on us inevitably. They’re going to be a lot angrier than we more prosperous people are in the developed world, such as here in California.    

 And so I thought these things are going to happen, and if they are targeted effectively, they might be part of the solution. They might drive history in ways that I’m not comfortable with. I would rather see non-violent resistance and changes in the law, by legal means, by way of democratic action and legislative change, but I think that we’re headed into some decades where there are almost certainly going to be disasters, and then violent reactions to the disasters, so it was a kind of realism, put in there both to share my fears of what’s coming if we don’t react faster than we are, and also to create a kind of plausible feel to if we are going to get to a good place.

My definition of utopia has changed: avoiding the mass extinction event would be a utopian success for this century. Further improvements can come after that, but avoiding the worst might be the best we can do.  So this was my intention.

JP: It reminded me a little bit of John Brunner’s 1960s novel The Sheep Look Up that included violent eco-resistance movements and that was really ahead of its time.

STAN: John Brunner’s four novels, Stand on Zanzibar, The Sheep Look Up, The Jagged Orbit, and Shockwave Rider, were amazing volumes, appearing in the late ‘60s and early ‘70s. Much of what we’re in right now he called out very accurately. He used John Dos Passos’ style of novelization, one that includes multiple points of view and lots of characters talking, which I’ve used here and that I used also in 2312. So Brunner’s very important. Sometimes those books are called the Shockwave Quartet, but I think Stand on Zanzibar is the most famous title of that group. They’re all long enough that it would be hard to put them all in one volume, but they should be a box-set that people look at to remember that the stuff that we’re facing now is not surprising, that 50 years ago the stuff we’re facing now was foreseeable, a known problem that we’ve been dodging for 50 years rather than facing, so that by now it’s gotten that much uglier.

JP: Yeah, even Alexander von Humboldt had early discussions of possible human-induced climate change in 1800, so it’s far from completely new, that’s for sure.

One thing that was fascinating for me was that some of the main vectors of positive change that you selected were unusual. One was India. After a horrible catastrophe, you project a sort of post-Modi progressive India leading the way in many domains. And also central bankers take on a very important role, with the “Carbon Coin” and the “New Monetary Policy.” Those are not what most people would pick as two of the most likely main positive vectors of change.

STAN: Well, with India, I wanted to stick with the trouble that I had inflicted on them in the first scene and not just abandon them. In story terms, it seemed very important to me to say, look, if something that bad happened as I describe it happening in India, because they are one of the places most susceptible to this sort of lethal “wet-bulb 35” heat index event, then I wanted to follow it and stick with it. And there are very many hopeful signs in India, despite Modi, despite the BJP and the RSS. Yes, they, like we in the States, have a very powerful rightwing reactionary nativist political party that is really dangerous, but they’re also a democracy and those guys could get voted out.

And since I published Ministry for the Future, we have seen a general strike in India that is being very poorly reported in the West, where astonishing numbers of people have walked off the job on the same days to object to Modi’s racism and his brutal rightwing approach to the problems that are facing India and the world, so I think the potential for India doing some good things is there, and I wanted to follow that.

Then when it comes to the central banks, we have a financial problem. The good technology that needs to be built and put into place as fast as possible to de-carbonize our economy doesn’t make a profit, and therefore it won’t get done, because we are in the neoliberal late capitalist order where profit rules. If it doesn’t make a profit, it won’t happen, and investments won’t go there, and therefore we are screwed. But we have seen quite spectacular huge monetary quantitative easing events in 2008 and now 2020. And some economists—not me; I don’t think up these things; I’m more a reporter than an idea guy—are talking about carbon quantitative easing, which is all very well, but the central banks would have to believe in it, and they’re not constructed to believe in it. So I have to, in my novel, put them under enormous pressure, political pressure and physical pressure too. I have to make it so that if they’re going to stabilize interest rates, they have to save the world.

 So to me it’s a little bit hilarious that these banks, with their very tight monetarist and capitalist purviews, which are just to stabilize money and hopefully help with employment rates, may quickly find themselves in a situation in which saving the biosphere becomes intrinsic to their own crazy little project. So part of the science of this science fiction novel is financial technologies, and I’d done enough work on that in Red Moon and in New York 2140 that I felt capable of grappling with what that might imply in terms of storytelling and in terms of thinking about it.

JP: Another interesting angle on that whole banking aspect of the narrative is that you focus a lot of the novel in Zurich. Have you spent a lot of time in Zurich, because there are some loving, very intimate descriptions of that city?

STAN: Yeah, my wife and I lived there exactly 35 years ago, arriving at the end of 1985, and we spent 1986 and 1987 there. We were young. We didn’t have kids. My wife had a post-doc at the pesticides and waste disposal part of the ETH (note: ETH Zurich is a public research university). It was a very romantic time for us, not that it’s a particularly romantic city, but when you’re young, newly married, no kids, in Europe, you know, it was for me very much the Hemmingway “go to Europe and write your novel” time. Those two years were the first time I was a full-time writer, and I’d never had an opportunity to write about Zurich before at any length, so when I was talking this book over with my editor, he said you need some kind of local anchor, because the narrative is going all around the world. You need to give it a local habitation and a name, so to speak, and I thought of Zurich immediately because of the work that Switzerland has always done in hosting UN-based operations, so it was a great relief to be able to write about Zurich as a character and as a space.

JP: Yeah, I could feel the intimacy: it didn’t feel like you just did some reading about Zurich. It felt more embodied.

STAN: I actually think you couldn’t do what I did there without having lived there. I’ve often written about places I only researched, from Mars on, but to be able to call on those lived memories and literally 35 years later write about it was truly joyful. My wife and I returned there in 2016 after an absence of 30 years, and it was just mind-boggling to go somewhere that you loved that you hadn’t seen for 30 years, and basically your whole life had passed by in seemingly a snap of the fingers, and yet Zurich was much the same. It was a beautiful experience, and I think those feelings about the place got into this book.

JP: Switzerland is, in the book, another one of those positive vectors. There’s something about the Swiss efficiency and that country’s history of being a locus of global institutions that makes it another kind of positive character in the book. I think Switzerland’s a bit underappreciated. I mean, yes, it’s got some troublesome history with all the stashed Nazi gold and some intensely conservative, racist streaks here and there; and they only gave women the right to vote in 1969, but there are also some really interesting aspects to Switzerland. There’s more ancient history there than most people realize, and it was also a very poor country, even in the 19th Century, which has a lot to do with their thriftiness and embrace of banking.

STAN: I appreciate that. I’m very interested in Switzerland. They do have a dark understory of being the bagman for the criminals of the world in their banking. They have some things they have to come to terms with, like many countries do, so it isn’t all sweetness and light. It’s definitely not just a Heidi story, but what I like is that four different cultures are mixed there and interact with each other. And although they do have a rightwing nativist strand, especially in the mountain cantons, by and large, I mean, when you think about it, they are a population of roughly eight million where some three million are from other countries. That’s a gigantic percentage. You would think they’d be even more anti-immigrant than they are, but in fact, the bulk of their thrust as a country is fairly progressive and open to the world.

JP: Another interesting angle in the book is, I thought, the view of China. China’s not a strong vector of positive change the way India or Switzerland is portrayed, but it’s fairly benign. Many contemporary prognosticators tend to project a classic “Thucydides trap” with a likely war between the U.S. and China, the declining and the rising power, but in your book’s scenario the Chinese central banker winds up playing a kind of positive role working with the Mary Robinson-like figure, Mary Murphy. You had to have based her on Mary Robinson, no?

STAN: In fact, I called her Mary Robinson in my first drafts, but I realized that was going to be a little bit too inappropriate, so I changed it to Mary Smith, but my Irish friends said: “You can’t call an Irish person Smith. It’s too English.” And so I said, well, what name should I choose? And they said Murphy, so that’s what I did.

But, yeah, China: I tried to write about China in Red Moon and it kind of crashed my brain. It was too big and complicated to understand. I have an urge to be in sympathy with China. I like its culture. I like its long history. I like Chinese people. I like Chinese poetry. They too have a dark underside, and as a leftist, I have to say the Chinese communist party needs to trust its people more, needs to make sure that political representation is widespread in China. And Mao was better at this in some ways than Xi. It’s a really complicated picture, and they’re doing some awful things, at home and around the world. But if you try to think of it from their point of view, the United States of America has the biggest military on Earth by a gigantic percentage and holds within its borders about 70 to 75 percent of the world’s capital reserves, even though it’s only five percent of the world’s population. So since the fall of the Soviet Union, you can really talk about a single superpower from the ‘90s on ‘til now, and single superpowers don’t like challenges to their supremacy and can get pretty hostile.

China has so many problems. It has a lot of people, but it has a lot of problems. I think it’s just struggling to get out of its own century of humiliation and to continue to get its people out of poverty. In other words, they’re not so doctrinaire. They’re not particularly communist. They’re “crossing the river by feeling the stones,” as Deng Xiaoping put it, and that’s an old Chinese phrase. They did become the working class of the world for a while, developing a huge manufacturing infrastructure. They’ve got 1.4 billion people, one person out of every seven on Earth. So they’re feeling their way forward with ever more sense of confidence and power, and the United States, as a nation state, is hammering on them. And now, 75 percent of Americans don’t like or trust China; 77 percent of Chinese don’t like or trust America. I don’t think that there’s any good reason for this mutual distrust, and that it’s stupid to talk about a new Cold War. I don’t think that China is a country intent on taking over the world. In many ways, in their history, they’ve been the least imperial great power in the history of the world. By and large, China has just does its thing by way of trading with the rest of the world. They have not done like America. They didn’t do like Mongolia, which took them over for a while.

So I don’t think we need to fear China in the way that certain parts of the American machine are trying to make us fear China. It would be better if both sides could ratchet down the tensions and look to solving climate change together as the two big carbon emitters. If China and the U.S. were to make a détente and an agreement to work together in harmony, you could demilitarize a bit, you could work on climate together, you could quit with this nonsense.

But I also feel that China is too big and complex to understand. My Chinese friends, when I gave them drafts of Red Moon, I told them that I don’t understand China, and they said that if you say you understand China, you haven’t been paying attention, because even we don’t understand China and we don’t know what’s going to happen in the next 10 minutes, and we’re Chinese intellectuals.

JP: Obviously, if you’re Tibetan or Uyghur, China might not seem so benign. One’s view depends upon where one sits.

STAN: It’s been a perpetual issue in China. There’s always been a Muslim West in China, but it used to be quite well integrated. The Han majority in Mao’s time was willing to celebrate its 55 ethnicities in the Chinese borders, so this has gotten worse, and the same with the Tibetans. I have been very involved with the Tibetan cause. It’s another place where China’s just doing things wrong. The fact is that all these big nation states are somewhat monstrous and trying to impose forms of nationalism, which is not a very useful way to go at the world. It’s one of the ways in which Switzerland is kind of a great model: they have four languages and four cultural groups, and they just get over that and cooperate. And so in that sense, many little countries are doing better than the big monster countries.

JP: Yeah. I really admire that aspect of Switzerland because I’m half Belgian and the Belgians linguistically just can’t get along at all. One aspect of Switzerland is that the German-speaking majority, as reactionary as it can be at times, is also fairly generous in some ways. For instance, I learned recently that in art and media policy, in which there is separate German, French, and Italian (and a little bit for the tiny Romansh-speaking population) programming, the budgets allocated to the French and Italian-speaking arts programs and TV stations and media are far in excess of their percentages of the population. The German majority is willing (granted, as long as they mostly control Zurich and the capital flows) to be extremely generous in cultural allocations to help ensure inter-ethnic stability. One wonders if other majorities could emulate this model, if the Han could be far more generous and accepting of the ethnic minorities in China, for example, but of course Switzerland is a tiny little country full of remote mountain valleys.

STAN: But I think it could scale. I think the analogy is good enough, that China ought to pay attention to countries like that and see what can happen when you’re generous to all your minority populations. I believe that the Swiss Germans are still traumatized, and there’s a long cultural memory. There was strong resistance to Hitler among many of them: many shared the idea that we are not Aryan supremacists but liberal European modernists, and it was very important to them as German speakers to distinguish themselves from notions of Aryan supremacy. And they also got wiped out by Napoleon and partially conquered by France back in 1810 or so, so they’re aware that bigger countries can steamroll them and that they need to be ready to resist.

JP: And it goes back even further: their national founding myth with William Tell was a rebellion against Austrian domination.

STAN: Yeah, for a predominantly German-speaking nation, they are impressively, meticulously tolerant of their French, Italian and Romansh minorities.

JP: Some of the positive models you draw upon to imagine a more sustainable future society reminded me a little bit of Huxley’s last novel Island, even though that took place on a much smaller scale. You describe organic regenerative farming, cooperative economics in the style of Mondragon, and so on. And your descriptions of initiatives in Sikkim reminded me a little bit of Helena Norberg-Hodge’s work encouraging local economic development in Ladakh. You also cite Kerala as well, as a model of a well-run “progressive” state in India as another element to draw from.

But then some of the darker elements of the narrative reminded me a little bit of some cyberpunk fiction, especially the use of high-tech by rebellious groups. Terrorists’ uses of drone technology take on a very big role. So, there again there’s a tension between very positive models of a future with effective, humane governance, clean tech, regenerative agriculture on the one hand, but the appropriation of terrifying high-tech/AI-based weapons by violent resistance movements.

STAN: That’s definitely in there. I think that drones are just by their very nature quite dangerous and easily weaponized, but what I wanted to suggest in this book was that we’re in an all-hands-on-deck situation, that we’re in such a dangerous moment that there’s no longer any cause to criticize other solutions that might sound radical or strange. The narcissism of small differences is no longer appropriate, because we might need everything. We might need these small new compact nuclear power plants. We might need some geo-engineering. We might need to sabotage all the coal plants on the planet when we think we can still provide electricity in other ways (because electricity is now a necessity; there are so many people on this planet that we wouldn’t be able to stay alive without gigantic amounts of electricity). So these are problematic questions.

What made me think of this was that we need all hands on deck. Any possible decarbonization and horizontalization of power, any way towards justice and sustainability ought to be put on the table and tried. And I would hope to avoid political violence. I would hope that a book like mine serves as an idea machine to point out that some of these supposed solutions might be very bad and might have a backlash worse than the solution itself while others might be very necessary and need to be attempted and therefore funded as soon as possible.

So I made a novel that is in some ways a bit incoherent. Rereading it after it came out, I was noticing how the decades don’t follow logically one to the next. There’ll be some progress, then there’ll be another depression, or there’ll be five years of world history in a compacted form that don’t naturally follow from the dramatized scenes that just preceded them, etc. Well, I think I did that on purpose. Part of it was out of my control, but partly I think I wanted to create the feel of our real history, which is chaotic. Everything’s happening at once. It could be great or it could be a total disaster, and that range of possibilities is inherently disorienting and destabilizing so in the end, you can just feel confused. At least I do. Like, okay, does that mean that we’ll forge some kind of middle course that muddles through between disaster and prosperity? Well, no, not necessarily. It seems like unless you get it together, all the other options are quite bad. So this is one of the things that I was trying to suggest by a novel that imitated the world’s incoherence.

JP: I definitely want to get to that question of the style of the writing in your novel, which seemed quite different than a lot of your other work, but first you just mentioned geo-engineering, a very controversial topic that is one element of the plot of your book. There are two main types of geo-engineering in the narrative: one is the seeding of sulphur-dioxide in the atmosphere after the India heat catastrophe; and the other one is the pumping of water from underneath glaciers, a sort of re-glacialization. Atmospheric seeding is one approach people have discussed a lot, but I hadn’t heard about that other option. Is that something that’s been discussed in scientific circles? How did you select that particular technology?

STAN: Well, it actually hasn’t been discussed at all. It’s a private communication from a glaciologist acquaintance of mine. I’ve been to Antarctica twice, and the glaciology community is relatively small, so, by the luck of the draw, I have some good contacts among the glaciologists of the universities of this world, and I’m very interested in their work, and one of them was saying to me: ”Look, the plan you sort of suggested at the end of the Green Earth trilogy to pump seawater back up onto the Antarctic ice cap to stabilize sea level: that’s impossible.” And he ran the numbers for me, and indeed it’s too much water. It just shows you how big the oceans are on this planet: a one centimeter rise in sea level would be 3,600 cubic kilometers of water—such a gigantic mass that you couldn’t get the pipelines or the energy, or the area on Antarctica’s ice cap to put that water back up there in any practical way.

The thing to do, he said, would be to try to slow the glaciers down. It’s not that Antarctic ice or Greenland ice is melting outright in the sun and turning into water and running into the sea: what’s happening is that those glaciers are speeding up in their slide down into the ocean, and once they hit the ocean, they melt very quickly. The speeding up—almost a factor of ten– is being lubricated at the bottom. There’s a little bit of melt of the glaciers, and that water drops down moulins, these vertical rivers. Cracks in the ice become conduits for meltwater from the top to get to the bottom of the glacier, at which point they’re on a water slide and they’re moving 10 times faster than they were historically. He said that if you could suck that water out from the bottom of those glaciers, that would be maybe only 30 cubic kilometers of water, which is a lot, but it isn’t 3,600; and then you might be able to slow them back down to their previous speed and help stabilize sea level. I said, “Fabulous! Why haven’t you published?” And he said, “I don’t want to be a geo-engineer. I want to be a glaciologist.”

He was acutely aware of the fact that those climatologists who propose geo-engineering initiatives get involved in intense battles that take over their whole careers. He didn’t want that, he wanted to stay on the glaciers and to be a glaciologist, and he said, “Look, Stan, this is your role; the science fiction writer should be writing this, not me.” So I said, “I can use the idea?” And he said, “Please, please. Put the idea out there.” So in effect, this is a new idea, and I checked it with other glaciologists. Some of them said it would completely depend on the configuration of the rock bottom underneath each glacier. Is it a canyon or is it a big sloping plain? But there certainly are a lot of glaciers that would be good candidates for this, that you would probably be able to slow down by this sort of method, but it would be a massive undertaking.

Now solar radiation management, which is the most famous geo-engineering technique, has been proposed and attacked. A lot of people hate the idea of solar radiation management. I don’t think it’s rational to hate it. I think you imitate a volcanic eruption like Pinatubo’s – this is how people usually talk about it. Pinatubo erupted in 1991 in the Philippines. Temperatures were depressed by about a degree or two Celsius globally on average for about five years, and then the dust settled out of the atmosphere and we’re back to where we were before. Nobody proposes it as a single, silver-bullet solution to our problems. Everybody studying it proposes it as an emergency. If you get to those temperatures that are killing people outright, you might want to do it. You’re not going to create a Snowpiercer effect. That’s not physically possible. You could try it to see whether it dings the monsoon, which is one of the major fears about it. Five years later you would know and the effect would be over. You’d either say: “Let’s do it again; that was a cheap fix and we’ll give it some time.” Or you’d say: “Oops, bad idea; we’ll never do that again.”

I think there’s an irrationality on the environmentalist left, which is where I live – I’m a leftist and environmentalist, and I think if you’re a leftist, you ought to be an environmentalist; and if you’re an environmentalist, you ought to be a leftist. But in that crowd there’s an intense aversion to even discussing any geo-engineering ideas.

JP: Well, there is a legitimate fear that the fossil fuel industry covertly and overtly will use geo-engineering as an excuse to delay de-carbonizing. They like to promote techno utopian ideas that we can use technological means to transcend the climate crisis, so why bother stopping to burn fossil fuels. That’s the fear.

STAN: I understand that completely. That’s the moral hazard argument, but what I’m saying now is that that’s an argument from 10 or 15 years ago. Now we are in an all-hands-on-deck situation, and if we were to geo-engineer, the requirement to de-carbonize as fast as possible wouldn’t go away. First you de-carbonize, and if people are dying en masse because of heat levels rising too high, maybe you try some of these emergency geo-engineering methods. They are not a silver bullet fix, a get-out-of-jail-free card. None of the serious scientists studying these approaches think that geo-engineering would allow us to go on doing what we’re doing.

JP: Another technology that becomes very important in your book is the AI-guided “pebble mob” bomb, a sort of more advanced octave of M.A.D. (mutually assured destruction). You sort of create a situation in which war becomes almost impossible at a high level. It’s certainly scientifically sound in its conception, but it serves a bit as a deus ex machina because the impossibility of most war creates the conditions for a more viable future. 

STAN:The pebble mobs is a kind of a trick out of my novel 2312, and I’m pleased to say that my great colleague, Iain Banks, was very envious that I had thought of it first, because it’s kind of an Iain Banksian thing, of AI intelligence taking over. And for sure, if you were using the entire solar system as your range, and you wanted a whole bunch of kilogram sized meteorites to arrive at the same place at the same time, you would need super computers of the utmost order, quantum computers. But on Earth, if you wanted a hundred drones to end up at the same spot at the same time, I think we could do that now.

And I think that actually modern warfare is so effective offensively that we are in a kind of tactical mutual assured destruction already, even without pebble mobs of drones all coalescing in the last moment of their hit. Putin bragged that the Russians had hypersonic missiles that could go 7,000 miles an hour and would render any defenses obsolete. It turns out that those are on Putin’s wish list and they’re probably vaporware, but I think a bunch of drones coalescing at once, although it is my science fiction idea, I don’t think it’s very far off the mark of reality. A bunch of drones could easily coalesce right in the take-off pattern of an airplane or right at the bridge of any ship in the Navy. Navies in particular are sitting ducks. I think they are likely to be obsolete from a military standpoint. The United States in particular could afford to stand down and quit with the ridiculous Pentagon budget and try to spend some of that money on decarbonization projects, which parts of the military could play a major role in.

JP: Obama used the military for the Ebola intervention in West Africa, so, while they are a tiny fraction of the Pentagon budget so far, there are indeed examples of benign uses of military power that could be models for peaceful and “green” uses of the military machine.

STAN: I think that may happen more because despite some flash points in the Middle East, India and Pakistan, or China and India, the dangers of war tend to outweigh the benefits to the actors involved. There is likely to continue to be more asymmetrical terrorism, private groups attempting to inflict damage on much larger militaries, but I think actual formal wars between one military and another are going to be very rare going forward.

JP: I wanted to go back to the style of your book, which you started to discuss earlier. When I first read it, to be brutally honest, I thought: “This is a bit more disjointed than Stan’s usual work.” But then I began to feel that there was something almost experimental in the writing. For one thing, the multiple, shifting narrative perspectives don’t just include several of the main characters and multiple unidentified people from around the globe but other-than-human voices as well. You have a passage in which a photon discusses its experiences, just to cite one example. And there are moments that are sort of didactic or pedagogic interludes that step back from the flow of the narrative.

So while those frequent narrative shifts felt a little off-putting while I was working my way through the book, in the end I sensed that, as you mentioned earlier, the style of the text mirrored the torturous conundrums our species is facing, the severity, complexity and sheer immensity of the climate crisis, but it was definitely a different experience than what I usually feel when reading a KSR book. Almost always in your novels, one can feel your mastery throughout. Even when multiple characters take turns narrating a story, your authorial control is never in doubt, very much like in a Kubrick film, but this felt a little different.

STAN: It’s true that I haven’t ever written anything in this kind of form before. Maybe the closest was 2312, using the Dos Passos narrative format. In this case, the eyewitness accounts were a crucial discovery for me. The eyewitness account is a genre of its own, not the same as a novel, because eyewitness accounts are usually made years later, and people are being interviewed about what they saw in some crux moment in history, and they judge it. They judge it for the effect the incident had both on history and on their own subsequent lives. I began to read collections of eyewitness accounts, from, say, spring 1945 in Germany, or May ’68 in France, or the Armenian genocide, etc. I read accounts from around a dozen critical moments in history, and I began to see the format. And I thought that’s what I needed: I need eyewitness accounts from all over the world from crux moments over the next 30 years.

But a novel also has to be fun. We read novels for entertainment. And education can be very entertaining, but nevertheless I know that my books sometimes have this kind of castor oil reputation, that they’re good for you but not necessarily that much fun. It’s not quite fair because I work on fun as much as any novelist I know; it’s just that my topics are strange. In this case, what fun I could find, given how grim much of the material was, was in the play of forms. There are riddles, eyewitness accounts, dialogues, meeting notes, and then at the core, the ordinary novel, which is maybe about novella length, the story of Mary and Frank. There are 106 chapters, but when you start a new chapter as a reader, you have no idea where it’s going to be on Earth, or who’s going to be talking, or what the format’s going to be. Within a paragraph or two, you get oriented. It’s not like it’s very mysterious, but there’s a game going on there of periodically blowing up the continuity and delivering gigantic surprises.

You spoke of Kubrick. In movie terms, it’s the montage or even the equivalent of multiple screens, but luckily the novel is just one sentence at a time. You can’t really do multiple screens, but you can do montage. So that was where I was finding my fun, along with the Zurich setting. That was really fun for me. But the game of forms became the way that this novel was still a novel that one could enjoy as a novel.

 Now a lot of people have very fixed opinions about what a novel should be, and this one has blown their brains out as being too weird to enjoy. There’s nothing I can do about that. There are many ordinary novels, and they can go read those. This one is an experimental novel, and to some readers experimental novels are just called that because they’ve too weird and difficult, but in this case, I had to write it this way.

JP: You’re prolific enough that even if some of your fans don’t want to follow you in this particular path, which would be a shame, you’ll most likely have another novel out in a year or two, but I really hope readers give it a chance because original ideas are ultimately what’s most stimulating, to me at least.

STAN: Aristotle and Brecht are both very good on this, that you should never make a distinction between education and entertainment, that the two are very tightly intertwined and interchangeable. So that’s not really the problem. It turns out that many people are very devoted to closure. In Ministry of the Future I have a grab bag of disparate forms, a kind of slurry of forms. Well, many people like to have a sense of continuity in a narrative voice that is a little more coherent, but that’s okay. I have to try a lot of different things.

 And my actual fans, which is maybe a smaller crowd than you might imagine, they are used to me doing different things in different books, so they are perfectly happy with this book. When I wrote Aurora, people were saying: “Oh my gosh, the narrator is an artificial intelligence, and that’s a natural mode for Stan. He had no problem whatsoever faking that because all of his novels feel like a computer AI wrote them.” And so I realized that I have a reputation as being a little bizarre or maybe a little obsessed as a novelist and that I’ve got quirks. And so this is fine. I’m at novel number 20. There’s nowhere for me to hide. My habits are clear. My sentences are always KSR sentences, as they say. There’s nothing I can do about it. And so I have a great affection for my fans because they like what I’m up to, but I know some consider me weird.

JP: I wouldn’t call you weird compared to, say, Philip K. Dick. There are far weirder sci-fi writers than you.

STAN: Well, nobody’s weirder than Phil Dick; he’s the ultimate, but he’s weird in content. When it comes to form, he’s a very good novelist, and what he does is third person limited from about four different characters. And I’ve followed Phil Dick’s form most of my career. The typical Dick novel is about 20 dramatized scenes, and they come from about four or five radically distinct points of view, and that’s how you get his magical three-dimensionality, but he’s always writing like a bat out of hell. He writes like a commercial fiction writer of the 1950s because that’s what he was. The weirdness is all in the content, the reality breakdown that is at the center of his plots.

But as to how my work is perceived, I’ve become reconciled. There are 10,000 novels published a year, every year, so to stick out, you have to be unusual and peculiar, and I can’t help it anyway, so I’m perfectly happy, and the book has been getting a good reception. Even the people who are thrown off by it seem to be unsettled by it in useful ways.

JP: Yeah, it’s gotten good reviews well beyond the world of sci-fi, in such places as The Guardian, so I think some of the leading progressive press is taking you seriously as a thinker about the climate crisis, which they should, of course.

I wanted to say one thing about Aurora. I’m somewhat of a neo-Luddite. I don’t even have a cell phone, but I was actually really moved by the relationship in Aurora between the super computer and the woman who was the matriarch of that journey, and how she took it upon herself to prepare the machine to see future problems generations hence long after she would be dead. It was almost like she was raising a child on some level. I was actually very touched by that, so I had the opposite reaction to your writing like an automaton.

STAN: I must say that I quite enjoyed writing from the point of view of an artificial intelligence, because that’s your classic camera eye point of view, in workshop terms. We would talk about the camera eye point of view where the narrator doesn’t know what the characters are thinking, and can only report appearances. Well, this was the pure product of a camera eye point of view. And also, Aurora was kind of a prison novel in some senses. And so there, again, the fun came out of formal considerations on my part. Once the computer was telling the story, I was having way more fun than I was when I had a conventional narrator. So I had to rewrite every sentence when I had that discovery, but that was a good thing because it made the novel that much more interesting, I think.

JP: I also loved how Aurora completely deconstructed the idea that we’re ever going to live in other star systems. I thought it offered the ultimate destruction of that ridiculous idea.

STAN: Well, thank you, and of course that is what generated the intense anger against the novel from that part of the science fiction community or the space cadet community that feels humanity has to go to the stars or else we’re failures. They really hated that book, but that was okay too, because I wanted them to hate the book. If they had liked it, I would have made a mistake.

JP: Of course, the quality of one’s work is often defined both by who one’s enemies are and who one’s friends are. Stan, this was great, but is there anything you want to say in closing before we wrap up?

STAN: Well just to close, I want to say thanks to Bioneers for all those invitations. The recorded keynote talk I delivered there is one of my best, and I’ve also really valued the party of Bioneers, the meeting of people, the wandering, the space over there, and I hope it comes back. The whole thing about the pandemic is our social lives have been dinged in a really profound way because we are a social primate species, and gathering in groups as at Bioneers is part of the fun of being human. It’s the technological sublime to a certain extent, but it’s also the old-fashioned sublime of a big crowd of people together. So I just want to say thank you, and that I look forward to the reconvening of the physical Bioneers, you know, as soon as possible.

JP: Let’s hope. I miss the embodied world quite a bit myself. Thanks a lot, Stan, and I encourage everyone to read Ministry for the Future and all of Stan’s great books.

Why We Need Healing and Reconciliation

Foreword from Alexis Bunten, Indigeneity Program:

Indigeneity is a Native-led program within Bioneers that shares Indigenous solutions to our most pressing social and environmental issues. We welcome all people to re-indigenize by learning from Indigenous teachings and the experiences of your ancestors. Maija West and I have had many conversations about the healing lessons we each gained by returning to the homelands of our European forbearers who immigrated to the United States and now, we explore ways to heal while sheltering in place. We invite you to take a first step to reconcile and heal from recent events in our nation’s capital.


Maija West

By: Maija West
January 12, 2021

The January 6, 2021 events in Washington DC have been a tragic undermining of the democratic process,  and we are all still very much in shock, as the impacts of that day continue to unfold.  And while President Trump recently called upon a “healing and reconciliation” in a speech since January 6th’s events, what we are talking about is quite different.  

Our democracy was built on laws much older than many of us can comprehend, which should be cherished and made better with the participation of all. But also we cannot move forward until we reconcile the past by healing from the harms of colonization.  

Quite simply, this view is about the “why” of the “what.” 

When I heard the news on the morning of January 6th, I was meeting with two Indigenous leaders on the deck outside of my home, grateful for the sun that helped warm us as we did our best to gather safely with both masks and jackets on, always trying to find that delicate balance between safety and connection in these changing times. We were gathering on the topic of healing and reconciliation and how to best tell the story of our country’s history from an Indigenous perspective.  

In response to the morning’s events, one of the leaders reminded me of an often forgotten part of the origins of our country’s principles of governance. The Great Law of Peace came from the Iroquois Confederacy, and it is part of what makes our country’s democracy so unique. Terri Hansen summarized it here:

“The Native American model of governance that is fair and will always meet the needs of the seventh generation to come is taken from the Iroquois Confederacy. The seventh generation principle dictates that decisions that are made today should lead to sustainability for seven generations into the future. And Indigenous nations in North America were and are for the most part organized by democratic principles that focus on the creation of strong kinship bonds that promote leadership in which honor is not earned by material gain but by service to others. In the plains, there was great honor in giving your horses to the poorest members of the tribe. The potlatch still practiced in the Pacific Northwest is another example of voluntarily redistributing wealth to those who have the least.”

[Source: Terri Hansen]

The “What”

The “what” is the deep division in our Country, historic and laid bare once again. The “what”  shows up in our deadlocked partisan process and in leaders shackled from being able to pass meaningful legislation. It shows up in powerful structural ways that have always existed.  The “what” are the laws that formed this country. The laws of taking and broken promises.  The “what” includes those who benefited from the taking and the brokenness. Those who could own land, vote and had free agency given based on circumstance and timing under the arc of our Country’s history.  

The “what” is inherited history in each of our unique ancestral lines. Lessons implanted so deeply it takes decades for their roots to materialize.  

Perhaps you, like I, have grappled with these issues most of your life, or perhaps you are just now arriving here with us, wide-eyed and feeling the powerful emotions of anger, grief, shame or panic. I feel that I carry both with me now, a combination of both knowing, and not knowing, the “what”. In any case, what I want to share today is the “why.”

The “Why”

I have had the opportunity to live in rural communities with a strong Indigenous presence most of my life.  The principles of governance that contributed to today’s democracy are supported by underlying core values that can feel quite different than the way many of us were raised.  When patient Indigenous friends and advisors subtly and permanently planted these values within my heart, something changed in me. I started feeling hope. I was beginning to learn the “why.” I learned to use the “why” as a  tool for understanding myself and others, that which would eventually lead me to committing my life’s effort to healing and reconciliation.  

The “why” is the time we were separated from our peoples and our lands. For many reasons, we are a Country where many of us forget. We forget that before we were “white” or “black” or “brown,” most of us Americans came from a place. Another place. We were Congolese and we were Irish. We were Oaxacan and we were Basque. We were so much more than a color. We were rich cultures and languages and honored traditions. 

Though Indigenous people tried to share the Great Law of Peace with immigrants and settlers, it was received with a lack of understanding and perspective. White settlers twisted the laws which led to the harmful and destructive colonization of these lands.  

What does this have to do with January 6th, you might ask?  From the healing and reconciliation perspective, we cannot move forward until we reconcile the past by healing from the past harms of colonization.  And, when we do, it is for the benefit of all of our citizens, however they identify or affiliate.    

How can we reconcile the past, you might also ask?  To start, I invite you to join me in a nationwide challenge. Please reach out to at least two people who have political views that are different from your own. Ask them if they would be part of a dialogue with a goal of mutual understanding.  

  • Send a text or make a call and say: “I would like to talk to you about what happened on January 6th and hear your thoughts. I value you as a person and I care about what you think.” 
  • Before sending the text or making the call, notice how it feels to even consider taking this step.  Behind any fear you might feel, is there a longing to be more connected? How might you act from that longing, rather than that fear?
  • Once you agree to meet, then listen fully and be ready to clarify your understanding of what they said. When they are done speaking, repeat back what they said and add empathy, to make sure you fully heard them. Notice how you feel afterwards.

A couple of days ago, I did this very thing. I texted two women I care very much about and invited them into this very same conversation. We did have those conversations, which are still continuing today. What I learned from each of them has enriched my life and strengthened our bond. During a time where my connections can feel so threadbare,  I learned that we each love our democracy, despite its horrible failings, and that we care very much about each other. And we want our Country to stop being led by those who use the divisive language of disconnection, and we want to heal.

This suggested action is only the beginning of many, many actions we must take as citizens over these coming months and years in order to heal. But this one action is a start.  

Many amazing healing and reconciliation efforts are occurring throughout the United States right now. We seek to connect, not divide. We seek to heal past harms, not seek revenge. We are not affiliated with the government.We are not affiliated with the church. We are a people’s healing and reconciliation movement. By the people, and for the people, in honor of our need to reconnect with each other, and to get back in right relationship with the land. Everyone is welcome. Please join us. 


Maija West is an attorney and co-founder of the Healing and Reconciliation Institute.

Racial Justice Beyond Trump: Confronting an American Legacy

Too many injustices in U.S. history have remained unaddressed and unhealed. During the four years under the Trump administration, this tension has blatantly emerged in the forms of white supremacy, political polarization, and a monumental economic divide. But this moment in time has not been without mass resistance. Historically marginalized people — especially Black, Indigenous, and people of color — are leading the movement toward a democracy that works for everyone.

To exceptionalize the violence endured by black and brown people as unique to the Trump administration is to erase the historical and economic development of America as a nation. The struggle for racial justice has predated this moment in history and will continue beyond Trump. His loss in the 2020 election does not confront the systems that led more than 70 million Americans to vote for him. Understanding this is essential to critically disentangle the monolithic mythos that leads many to absolve us from facing our legacy as a nation.

The following conversation is an edited and condensed version of the Bioneers 2020 panel, “Racial Justice Beyond Trump.” Hosted by Bakari Kitwana, Executive Director of Rap Sessions and internationally known cultural critic, journalist, activist and thought leader; with: LaTosha Brown, Mutale Nkonde, and Greisa Martínez Rosas.


Bakari Kitwana

BAKARI KITWANA: Our topic is Racial Justice Beyond Trump, and we’ve brought together three amazing women leaders at the frontlines of some of the major struggles of our time: Greisa Martinez of United We Dream, LaTosha Brown of Black Voters Matter, and Mutale Nkonde, of AI for the People. Let’s start with Greisa, who has some recent groundbreaking news.

GREISA MARTINEZ ROSAS: My name is Greisa Martinez Rosas. I’m undocumented and unafraid, queer and unashamed, and I have the honor of leading United We Dream, the nation’s largest immigrant youth-led network in the country that fights for justice for undocumented people in the U.S. And just last night a district court judge in New York ruled in favor of DACA (Deferred Action with Childhood Arrivals), the program that protects me and close to one million other undocumented young people from deportation. It gives me the ability to work in this country that I have called my home, and allows me to be with all of you today. 

This is a celebration for us all because for the last four years we have withstood attacks from the Trump administration. He vowed to kill the DACA program on day one, and it is because of a black-led cross movement space that we’re in that we have been able to defend the program, and I’m honored to be on this panel with this group of tremendous black women leaders, but I know deep in my bones that immigration justice and the defense of DACA is just the floor. Immigrant justice and the fact that there are 11 million undocumented people in this country and many more refugees coming to our shores is a racial justice issue, and until we’re able to see that all our movements are interconnected, we will not be able to solve the issue, so I’m excited about the work that we’re doing together.

BAKARI: Greisa, where should folks who want to support your work and your movement be focusing our attention?

Greisa Martínez Rosas

GREISA: Only when we fully understand the connections between racial justice, economic justice, and migrant justice will we be able to solve our problems, but in this moment we are celebrating how the movement really delivered and protected and defended our democracy this November when black women, Latinos, and young people showed up to vote in record-breaking numbers and ousted Donald Trump from the White House. The Biden administration owes it to us now to ensure that undocumented young people are protected permanently from deportation and that we abolish ICE and TVP, the agency responsible for the deaths of children in detention camps and the forced sterilization of women, and, on a personal note, for having deported my father 10 years ago, so that I have not been able to see him since. People have to be free to move, to work where they want to, and to breathe.

BAKARI: Greisa, you have mentioned that one reason for the resistance to change is that there are people who profit from the status quo. Can you talk a little bit about that?

GREISA: I come to this work as a daughter of Luis and Elia Martinez. They were undocumented migrants who came here looking for an opportunity, a chance. And I remember how hard it was for my dad to be able to hold a steady job because he didn’t have papers. I remember the mistreatment that my mother had when she was cleaning houses because people thought that she didn’t have any recourse or didn’t have the ability to speak up or demand her wages when they were stolen because she was undocumented. And that’s completely typical. People can exploit immigrants’ labor because they aren’t in a position to demand justice. 

But I bring you good tidings from the young people of the United We Dream and the immigrant youth-led movement: we have joined forces with the Sunrise movement, with the movement for black lives, with many other folks that are ensuring that we are talking about a broader future that makes place for all of us, that ensures workers are able to live and work with dignity and be paid fair wages, where we are all able to breathe clean air and drink clean water and walk down the street without fear. 

During this pandemic it has become obvious that the undocumented folks stocking our grocery stores, doing home healthcare and domestic work and farm and agricultural work, are essential workers, but they are also underpaid, disposable, and unprotected. In the emergency Covid relief acts passed by Congress, undocumented people were explicitly excluded from additional economic support or healthcare access. I believe that we can birth a new country, but we have to be really honest about where we are.

BAKARI: Thanks, Greisa. Let’s turn our attention now to LaTosha Brown of Black Voters Matter. LaTosha works nationally, but is based out of Atlanta and has been intensely involved in both the national election campaign and now on the Georgia senatorial races. LaTosha, tell us what’s happening on the ground.

Latosha Brown

LATOSHA BROWN: Well, this has really been a never-ending campaign; it seems like four years straight with no stop. But to frame what’s happening in Georgia I need to back up and explain some history. The whole foundation of the run-off system in the state of Georgia is rooted in structural racism. It was specifically designed to give the white ruling class an advantage in elections, because almost always there’s a severe drop-off of participation after a national election. Only well-funded establishment candidates have in the past had any resources left to continue a campaign into a runoff election.

But this year, it’s different: as we speak, over a million applications for absentee ballots have already gone into the secretary of state’s office. I need people to understand that this is truly extraordinary. One thing that’s changed is that that we’ve started looking at black voters not just in terms of participation but in a context of power. We have to recognize that structural racism has been equally distributed across this country and not just in the Republican Party. The Democratic party has been interested in getting black votes, but when you start looking at policy priorities and appointments to positions of power, our communities don’t get their fair share. 

But this time in Georgia I want to let folks know that we are ready. We are working. We were back on the ground immediately after the national election. There are many organizations. What you saw happen in Georgia in November was not a fluke, and it wasn’t just about Trump, though Trump certainly added fuel to the fire. It’s the result of deep organizing we’ve done for the last decade. It was a multi-cultural response, which made the difference, but it’s a black-led pro-democracy movement, led by black women in particular that has been working the last 10 years to lay the foundation and shift the paradigm so that elections are not just about candidates but about people really building power. That’s the work Black Voters Matter is doing, and that’s the work that many of us have been doing in the state.

This whole notion that the South is red is no longer reflective of who lives in the South, at the changing demographics. Several of the fastest-growing cities in America, Atlanta being one of them, are more and more diverse, but we have to be innovative and proactive. 

BAKARI: LaTosha, you’ve been fighting for voting rights for years, and you were very close with the late John Lewis. Can you talk about how the Trump presidency has deepened the crisis of, and fight for, voting rights and where we need to go from here?

LATOSHA: Let’s be honest. Voter suppression didn’t start with Trump, and it’s not going to end when Trump leaves. I have been working to end voter suppression for over 20 years. In 1998/’99 I was a young candidate running for statewide office in Alabama, and I was victimized by voter suppression. The day after the election was certified, the sheriff “found” 800 ballots from a county that I had carried overwhelmingly. They were never counted. Nobody ever did anything about it. I just lost the race. The sting of that really helped sharpen my commitment to work on voter suppression. 

The key issue is structural racism. We look at anti-black racism as only impacting black people, but its harms go far beyond affecting us. What’s really ironic is that the very place that was ground zero for voter suppression just two years ago, Georgia, is now the very place that the trajectory of where democracy will go in the next four years that impacts all of us will be made; in the state where there were 200,000 voters intentionally dropped from the rolls on spurious grounds. We filed a lawsuit about  that this past Wednesday. We’ve been working hard to get them re-registered, but it’s another added barrier. Dr. King used to say that when there’s a threat to justice anywhere, there’s a threat to justice everywhere. People say it but too often they act like they don’t really believe it. 

White America has not appreciated fully that racism has undermined democracy in this country in a way that hurts us all. It’s a leading reason why, for example, the wealthiest country in the world has a weakened healthcare system that could be far, far stronger than it is. That impacts all of us, and all of us are impacted when we don’t have a solid criminal justice system, when the Department of Justice can basically become the president’s personal law firm. Whenever there is a threat to justice or a threat to democracy for some of us, it makes all of us vulnerable, so I’m hoping that in this moment especially as COVID-19 has revealed so harshly the inequities in our society, we realize how deeply we’re all interconnected as human beings; that if you want to advance democracy in this country, you can’t do it if you don’t deal with ground zero where it unravels first—structural racism.

BAKARI: LaTosha, you had a vision that you’ve been writing about called a U.S. Department of Democracy so we don’t have to keep fighting these same fights over and over again every election year. Can you explain that?

LATOSHA: Part of the reason why I think voter suppression continues to happen is because no one is ever held accountable, especially when the Department of Justice is not functioning (as we have experienced these last four years) and when the Supreme Court becomes politicized. What I want is there to be the creation of a Department of Democracy that would protect everyone’s right to vote in the same way the Department of Homeland Security was created after 9/11. I’m raising this because I have a fear that unless we have a department to focus on the defense of democracy in this country, I think we’re going to continue to see the unraveling or our democracy. I don’t think that Trump is the last of it. I think you will see it become more sophisticated and pervasive. It will continue. We have to strengthen this democracy so that it’s not just aspirational but becomes achievable.

BAKARI: Mutale Nkonde, we want to get you involved in the conversation. Please tell us what’s happening with your work around the intersection of technology, racial justice, disinformation, and our technological future. 

Mutale Nkonde

MUTALE NKONDE: Basically, what we’ve been doing at AI for the People is looking at the intersection of technology and racial justice. In this last election-year we looked at the fact that black people are often the most targeted and impacted by dis- and misinformation but that there are very few black thought leaders, black technologists and black analysts ready to respond to the toxic lies that affect us so negatively. So, in this last election cycle we followed domestic campaigns that were specifically targeting black voters. A best practice in this field is to not repeat the name of these pernicious efforts because we don’t want to amplify them, but, in this case, I want to illustrate what we’re fighting. We found a hashtag called #votedownballot that was telling black voters that they should not vote at the presidential level unless the parties met certain demands, and this was getting a lot of exposure on Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube: they were really gaining a lot of steam. 

So we looked at a dataset of about 3.5 million tweets where we identified this hashtag, and we decided we had to offer a counter-narrative. Feeding off the energy of Black Voters Matter but most specifically in an ongoing conversation with the New Georgia Project led by my dear friend Nsé Ufot, (and this was before knowing that Georgia was about to become the center of the U.S. political world very soon after), we started to think about what communications tools we could use to challenge “votedownballot.” We were able to create an alternative, domestic campaign called “Vote Down COVID” that we released the week before the election, and, to make a long story short, we were ultimately successful, getting millions of impressions and a lot of retweets from celebrities. 

We showed that when you have black people leading technology campaigns aimed at black voters, they know how to communicate far more effectively with their own communities. Our message was far more sophisticated than just “Vote for Joe and Kamala.” We acknowledged that this may not be the ticket that you dreamed of, but we encouraged people to move from just supporting candidates to understanding that voting is a part of a larger effort to build power, and we feel we now have a working model that we can now roll out with other black movement leaders and campaigns. 

We also want to do some of deep digital ethnographic work to figure out what messages were sent to black men, because black male support for Trump grew by 6 percent, and we don’t understand that yet, but if we can start to understand it, then we can build models and tools to counteract those messages. We’re actually sharing ideas with the transition team that we’ve been blessed to be able to be in touch with.

Prior to this project, I had done AI policy work in which I had looked at algorithm accountability in the criminal justice and social service systems, looking at such issues as how biometric algorithms used by police wind up criminalizing black bodies. One thing we’re doing is teaming up with Amnesty International (and Bakari’s actually a partner on that project) to look at how we can divest from these systems of technological oppression and racism as well as advocating for the protection of black folks both in the flesh and online. A very important area is the exposure of and challenge to algorithms used to purge voter rolls that are intentionally designed to exclude black voters. Our ultimate goal is to create what we call a just technological future for all, in solidarity with our Latinx, Native and trans brothers and sisters, but this helps progressive white people to. The online suppression efforts spearheaded by groups such as Cambridge Analytica, which brought us Trump, hurt all of us. I’m coming from a racial justice activist place, but my work is to let us all know when our digital systems are being sabotaged or manipulated, and then figuring out how to counteract those efforts.

BAKARI: Mutale, can you talk more about how your work intersects with policing and holding officers accountable and what folks and the Bioneers community can do to help you and your team in your work?

MUTALE: Yes, we’ve been studying how the NYPD, ICE and the FBI use biometric technology, and we’re finding that facial recognition software systems consistently misidentify black and brown folks 40% of the time. And these flawed systems were the primary way that protestors were identified and targeted after the George Floyd uprisings in NYC and across the country. It’s also one of the primary tools used in identifying targets for deportations. We’re producing a movie about this issue and engaging in mass political education as well as working with some big partnering organizations (including Amnesty International) and the Public Advocate’s office here in New York City. We have to stop governments from spending billions on these racist surveillance and tracking technologies, and that has to be part of a larger effort to redefine security and public safety in a way that doesn’t oppress people of color. 

In terms of what people can do, join our campaign. It’s called “Ban the Scan,” and we are launching it through Amnesty International around mid-January. You can go online to get information. Also, come out and support our film and come to our political education summits. Yes, we’re coming at this from a racial and economic justice angle, but algorithmic scanning is an issue that will affect all of us, and we’re working internationally as well. We have research projects in the West Bank, New Delhi, Mongolia, etc. And we engage a lot with storytelling through art, with film, video, photography exhibits, dance, etc. Especially when you’re dealing with black and brown people, change has to come through culture and through joy.

BAKARI: An audience question is asking if we could talk more about the intersectionality of racial justice, social justice, and environmental justice. 

GREISA: As Audrey Lorde taught us, we do not live single-issued lives. I don’t get to decide at what point I am queer, at what point I am undocumented, at what point I am a woman. I am all of those things all at the same time. When we think about environmental, racial, economic and migrant justice, one key to achieving breakthroughs is ensuring that those people most directly impacted are leading in those spaces. Another crucial thing is to invest in young people’s leadership. They are the ones who can create conditions in which the impossible becomes possible. We worked together, the Sunrise movement, March for Our Lives, Dream Defenders and many other young people to put forth a policy vision that brings together racial justice, migrant justice, and environmental justice. 

I think that we are birthing a new movement, and we stood up to Trump, but just because we got rid of Trump in this election does not make the 70+ million US citizens who voted for him go away, so we will have to continue to work hard to birth a new America, and that will require a broad intersectional movement that understands we’re all in this together, and it will require that black and brown organizations working at the frontlines start to receive much more funding than they’ve historically gotten. One reason we did so well in Georgia is because that began to happen a little more than in the past. But it’s also important when we do cross-racial, cross-movement work together to understand that although our destinies and our futures are intertwined, our lives and the issues that we face are different. When we respect that and try to understand each other in that way, that’s when we can thrive. Finally, unless the work is grounded in mutual joy, in the ability to have a vision beyond the mess around us to a new tomorrow for the generations of people to come, it won’t succeed, but the great women on this panel and so many of the folks who have come together these past few years give me the hope that we will succeed.


Bakari Kitwana, an internationally known cultural critic, journalist, activist, and thought leader in the area of hip-hop and Black youth political engagement, is Executive Director of Rap Sessions, which conducts town hall meetings around the nation on difficult dialogues facing millennials. A Fellow at the Hutchins Center for African and African American Research at Harvard, Kitwana co-founded the 2004 National Hip-Hop Political Convention and is co-editor of the new book Democracy Unchained: How to Rebuild Government For the People. 

LaTosha Brown, an Atlanta-based award-winning organizer, philanthropic consultant, political strategist (and jazz singer) with 20+ years’ experience in the non-profit and philanthropy sectors, co-founded Black Voters Matter Fund, a power-building Southern based civic engagement organization; is principal owner of TruthSpeaks Consulting, Inc., a philanthropy advisory consulting firm; and is the founding Project Director of Grantmakers for Southern Progress. 

Mutale Nkonde is an AI Policy advisor to the UN, member of the Tik Tok Advisory Board and CEO of AI for the People, a non-profit communications firm that seeks to change tech neutrality narratives. Previously Nkonde worked in AI Governance and was part of the team that introduced the Algorithmic Accountability Act, the DEEP FAKES Accountability Act, and the No Biometric Barriers to Housing Act to the US House of Representatives. Nkonde holds fellowships at the Digital Civil Society Lab at Stanford and the Institute of Advanced Study at Notre Dame and is an affiliate at the Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society at Harvard. 

Greisa Martinez Rosas is the Executive Director at United We Dream, a national nonpartisan, membership-based organization of immigrant youth and allies that advocates for the dignity and fair treatment of undocumented immigrant youth and their families. The co-founder of the Texas Dream Alliance, she has been a Fellow with the League of Young Voters, a 2018 Fellow with the Opportunity Agenda Communications Institutes, and has organized immigrant youth, students and workers for the passage of pro-immigrant policies at the local, state and national level for the past decade.

Telling Our Stories: Re-Envisioning the Future

Bioneers and Mycelium Youth Network offered a series of storytelling workshops for frontline youth called Telling Our Stories: Re-Envisioning the Future in the spring of 2021. Over the course of four months, youth from across the country shared their stories of resilience, resistance, regeneration and sovereignty. Skilled advisors virtually supported youth in creating pieces in the mediums of writing, video, podcasts, and social media published to Bioneers, MYN and other environmental justice media outlets. This was an opportunity for youth to document what they see taking place in their communities and learn about parallel experiences of youth in different parts of the country. They were given a stipend for each story they created in recognition of their labor and honoring their voices as part of our collective vision for a better future.

Bioneers aims to skill up future generations to use different forms of storytelling to amplify their work in environmental and social justice. This program connects youth working in their local communities into the network of activists, solutionaries and change makers that make up the Bioneers ecosystem.

Young people need more spaces where they feel supported, connected, and valued, perhaps now more than ever. Youth are facing a world with increasing fragmentation, instability and uncertainty.

YOUTH PARTNER SITES

Telling Our Stories will specifically support youth in middle school and high school from the Navajo Reservation, Colorado, Kentucky and the Bay Area in addition to at least one other site in a different part of the country.

For this program, Mycelium Youth Network (MYN) is partnering with youth in the Bay Area from Mission High School, Leadership Academy and Met West High School. MYN uses a merger of indigenous environmental traditions that emphasize youth environmental stewardship and relationship building alongside a rigorous STEAM curriculum that focuses on practical hands-on skills for climate resilience and mitigation that youth create and implement in their homes and local communities.

Rez Refuge is youth leadership organization and a long time partner of Bioneers on Navajo Reservation that builds a community, welcome to all, with opportunities for young Navajo people to grow in reflection, cultural identity, work, and critical thinking.

The Earth and Spirit Center is a nonprofit, interfaith spirituality center devoted to teaching contemplative practices like mindfulness, meditation, and deep connection to the natural world in Louisville, KY. The Environmental Justice and Deep Ecology paid internship program out of the Center invites high school students from across the Louisville community to explore the intersection of environmental justice and spiritual ecology through a semester-long collaborative project to create videos that amplify their own voices and others in the community that are working towards a more just and sustainable future.

Telling Our Stories will be a safe container for frontline youth to learn concrete storytelling skills with peers across the country and culturally-representative mentors. Through out the program, youth will be supported to cultivate a deeper understanding of their own values, identities and capabilities while building relationships cross-culturally and understanding social issues as both intersectional and personal.

Youth actions for liberation become more interdependent and inclusive when youth have the emotional resilience, support system and platform to share their voice.

Remembering Amigo Bob Cantisano: Organic Farming Pioneer

The last time I saw Amigo Bob Cantisano was January 2019 at the Eco Farm Conference. His once imposing physical presence had grown frail from a 7-year battle with cancer, but his spirit remained big and bright. He talked about a drought resistant strawberry variety and how Kate Wolf, the iconic folk singer of the 1970’s and 80s, showed him the inspiration for her song the Lilac and the Apple Tree.

The old abandoned apple tree of the song led Bob to discover the lost botanical treasure of the Sierra foothills. 151 years ago, Felix Gillet emigrated from France to Nevada City, CA and imported agricultural and ornamental plants from 40 countries. He operated a nursery and bred and propagated hundreds of varieties of plants and became known as the Godfather of West Coast perennial agriculture. Most of the nuts, fruits, grapes, and berries that are commonly grown in the US today can be traced back to Gillet’s efforts. But the remains of his work were almost lost. Over the years, Bob and his cohort discovered unknown varieties of hundred-year-old fruit and nut trees in wooded areas and abandoned orchards–some 200 sites–took cuttings and have made them available through the Felix Gillet Institute founded by Amigo Bob and his wife Jennifer Bliss. 

As I was leaving Bob, I kissed his hand and he said, “I hope to see you again.” Not a casual comment from someone who knew his days were running short. He died on December 26, 2020.

Amigo’s life was a series of firsts that were not only personal breakthroughs, but also widened the field of learning and opportunity for anyone interested in organic agriculture. 

In 1970, as a 19-year neophyte organic gardener attending the First Earth Day Celebration, Amigo heard a talk about the hazards of pesticides, which sparked a deep interest in food. He started a food buying club with his friends in Truckee, CA that evolved into the first natural foods coop in the area. Seeking out and buying from the small number of organic growers in his region and beyond made him realize that he wanted to be a farmer. The coop eventually developed into a distribution company which, after Bob left, was the forerunner to United Natural Foods, today  a $20 billion distribution company. 

At one point, Amigo rented a 15-acre walnut orchard and went to the local ag extension agent for advice. The agent “brainwashed” Amigo into believing that it was impossible to grow walnuts commercially without using harsh chemical sprays. The advice went against Amigo’s organic instincts, but he wasn’t sure what to do. One day, unannounced–in what Bob described as a “miracle”–Bill Barnett from the University of California showed up at the orchard. Bill was in the process of writing an Integrated Pest Management Manual and needed an orchard that wasn’t sprayed. They found a number of beneficial insects in Amigo’s orchard and began a trial. The trial was a success resulting in an abundant walnut harvest without using any chemical sprays. Amigo’s orchard became a university biological pest control test site where they introduced a wasp from Iran that preyed on aphids, a serious pest problem for walnut growers. Introduction of the wasp effectively controlled the aphid problem without chemical sprays and as result UC researchers spread the wasp in other areas and in four years it eliminated the walnut aphid problem. 

Amigo Bob was a founding member of CCOF (California Certified Organic Farmers) in 1973. Prior to national organic standards when each state had a different standard (and some states had no standard), CCOF was the gold standard for organic certification. 

Frustrated with the lack of availability of organic inputs, he ordered a boxcar of rock phosphate with borrowed money. 1600 50-pound bags had to be unloaded by hand. With the hundreds of extra bags of rock phosphate that he didn’t need for his farm, he started Peaceful Valley Farm Supply.

More and more, his time was taken up answering questions from desperate new organic farmers about problems they were having in the field. He ultimately sold the supply business and went into consulting. Initially he was the only organic farming consultant in California, perhaps in the country. His influence grew; his clients farm 90,000 acres or organic and transitioning to organic crops. 

Perhaps his biggest legacy is as founder of the EcoFarm Conference. Started in 1980 as a meeting of 60 organic farmer comrades, it has grown to a gathering of celebration and education of over 1800 farmers, gardeners, food producers, consumers and aspiring farmers–the largest organic farming conference in the western states. 

Bob continued farming on his 11-acre farm, Heaven and Earth on the San Juan Ridge of the Sierra Nevada growing a diverse mix of fruits and vegetables and teaching apprentices how to farm organically. 

 As an example of how farming organically changes a farmer’s perspective, Amigo once told me about a time when he was standing in a field of a farmer who was transitioning to organic. The farmer, who once thought only of what life-destroying chemical he would spray next, had awakened to life, excited about the eagle circling above his land.

Aldo Leopold wrote in A Sand County Almanac, “Land, then, is not merely soil; it is the fountain of energy flowing through a circuit of soils, plants, and animals. Food chains are the living channels which conduct energy upward; death and decay return it to the soil.”

Amigo Bob Cantisano understood those truths and worked towards an agrarian system that embodied them in the consciousness and the footprints of farmers. 

Even in his death, Amigo continues to be a pioneer. His body will be composted in one of the world’s first human composting facilities, reminding us that, ultimately, we all will become compost. As Amigo Bob Cantisano returns back to the earth, his DNA will carry the fertile stories of hundreds of farms whose land was better cared for, more respected and more alive thanks to his tireless dedication to and his depth of empirical knowledge of organic farming. 

To the almost lost fruit trees of the Sierra foothills and their descendants scattered around the country, he is a heroic ancestor who rescued their noble lineage from oblivion.

To the tens of thousands of organic farmers who once worked in lonely fields, he was the leader who gathered kindred spirits from all directions and started a movement that made them smarter, more enriched, and more skilled.

His leadership filled in the gaps in a fledgling organic movement and he remained committed and vital to that movement for 50 years. He touched many lives and healed the land. 

Using the Pandemic as a Catalyst for Change: Advocating for Herbicide-Free Campuses and Non Toxic Spaces

Written by Herbicide Free Campus

Special thanks to Kate Sabiston, Mackenzie Feldman, Bridget Gustafson, Arianna Maysonave, Aliza McHugh, Asha Culhane Husain, Lila Cooper and Katelyn Mann

Recall the early days of quarantine. As everything changed around us, society began to shift drastically. Activists, including the team at Herbicide-Free Campus (HFC), watched the crumbling of our regulatory bodies intensify and public spaces shut down. HFC’s student fellows left campuses across the country to return home, uncertain about when they would return. In spite of the chaos, communities united to fight for change and explore new ways of adapting. COVID-19 has spotlighted many issues, including social inequities, environmental racism, public health concerns, and feelings of isolation and immobility. The mental and physical safety of our community members have come into the collective conscience in an unprecedented way. With an impending transfer of political power, space has opened for us to push for inclusive and progressive action. 

 As society begins to prioritize health, Herbicide-Free Campus’ mission of stopping the use of herbicides on school grounds and advocating for a transition to organic land care maintenance is increasingly relevant. We ask ourselves: “How can we as an organization utilize this moment to challenge our conventional public health and aesthetic values for the sake of our groundskeepers, students, and all those who walk and use school campuses?” 

Schools are supposed to be safe havens, charged with creating healthy environments for their students, staff, and faculty. In the wake of COVID-19,  moving online to protect the health of campus communities has become the priority. However, the administrations of these institutions have historically failed to address the harm of spraying toxic chemicals, which calls into question the very notion of safety. By continuing to spray synthetic herbicides, which are linked to dire human and ecological health consequences, schools undermine their efforts to protect the people who have access to campus this semester. Exposure to glyphosate alone has been linked to such health conditions as severe kidney damage, lung cancer, reproductive harm, neurological diseases, non-Hodgkin’s lymphoma and asthma. The CDC reports that people who are immunocompromised have serious heart conditions, liver disease, lung disease, asthma, and chronic kidney disease are at higher risk for COVID-19 – a tragic parallel.

Public health and safety have risen as paramount issues during the pandemic, but what will happen when students return to school? Will safety still be of the utmost importance? The pandemic teaches us that human health is precious; thus, in the post-COVID era, we must uphold even more stringent standards for public and environmental health. Herbicide-Free Campus is committed to upholding a new caliber of safety, and only through ending the use of toxic pesticides in public green spaces can we truly achieve that goal.

In addition to inquiring about the true definition of safety, we ask: “Who has the privilege to be safe?” At Herbicide-Free Campus, a primary focus is to illuminate the work of on-campus groundskeepers. This was in large part inspired by our HFC advisor, Dewayne “Lee” Johnson, a former groundskeeper who developed cancer following undue occupational exposure to a glyphosate-based herbicide. We highlight groundskeepers, uplifting their health and wellbeing through reducing the occupational risks they face by going into work each day. This is done, perhaps most obviously, by reducing their use of and exposure to herbicides. Johnson states, “There are several different ways to handle this problem without the use of any chemicals at all… My job as a pest controller was to educate and to make the grounds safe for the kids, parents, and staff. I still feel that responsibility to share what I’ve learned to protect people from harm so nobody else has to suffer as I have, especially a child who’s just trying to go to school, play, and learn.” 

Groundskeepers, landscapers, and farmworkers, who are predominantly workers of color, are asked to mix, handle, and apply herbicides to kill weeds. This highlights the disproportionate risks assumed by these racial minorities while on the job. Consequently, the carefully manicured grass that is a cornerstone of many campuses comes at the expense of groundskeepers taxed with undue chemical exposure on the job, begging the questions: Why are their lives considered less valuable than the lives of the students and faculty schools are trying to protect? Why do institutions of higher education prioritize campus aesthetics over the health and safety of their workers? 

HFC strives to engage with and support groundskeepers as individuals through on-campus weeding work days, during which students and community members work hand-in-hand (or more accurately, weed-in-hand) with campus grounds crews. This has implications beyond just protecting groundskeepers’ physical safety. When reflecting on work days, one of UC Berkeley’s groundskeepers shared that he hoped that as students met the folks caring for and maintaining their campus, they would be less likely to throw trash on the ground, thus developing a deeper respect and appreciation for both the land they learn on and the people tending to this land. 

We stand at a great juncture of potential change. This unprecedented moment in which most students remain off campus in virtual learning, or are leaving campus for long holiday quarantine periods, is an opportune time to rethink campus green spaces. Schools are often concerned with perfectly manicured grounds, yet with the ‘aesthetic bar’ no longer of utmost importance due to pandemic-induced empty campuses, it simultaneously mitigates the need to spray while also creating the space to gain a new perspective on weeds. Weeds are traditionally seen as blights; however, if communities established a culture that instead embraced biodiversity and strengthened the existence of native plants, there would be no need to apply toxic chemicals. The pandemic provides the opportunity to start the long-term transition from conventional to organic grounds management.

This time of radical changemaking creates the ability to shift the status quo and influence collective mindsets. The transition to organic land management is more feasible at a time where students are not on campus, as the process of transitioning prohibits students from traversing the lawns so that groundskeepers could conduct aeration, compost tea application, and overseeding. Herbicide-Free Campus offers resources to facilitate this transition by connecting schools with experts like Chip Osborne, who can offer remote guidance in initiating the organic land care transition process.

Through our transition to remote activism, HFC has turned to new avenues to support at-risk workers. Our focus has shifted from in-person organizing to building awareness online. Although we are unable to collaborate face to face, online spaces have become communities of their own that enable us to rally student and public support. Operating remotely has also facilitated students in more effectively communicating with school administrators; Online meetings have become the new normal, with staff more equipped and willing to connect with students via Zoom. Similarly, Board of Regents meetings are held online as opposed to in person, making student participation more accessible. These opportunities expand our ability to discuss the critical problems we seek to reform. The coronavirus has disrupted the conventional way we advocate, but it has neither dulled our motivation nor our ability to do so.

Now is the optimal moment for schools to prioritize health and social justice. Students have the responsibility and privilege to enact a cultural shift around land care, in addition to advocating for workers’ rights. While students have the choice to remain home, groundskeepers do not. Ultimately, amidst the chaos and uncertainty, COVID-19 is a catalyst for positive change, providing the room to establish a new standard in the protection of human and environmental health.

Join us in this movement today; find or start a campus campaign, sign up for our newsletter to receive action updates, and donate to support our work. 

Bending Toward Justice: The Arc of Black Lives Matter

There are periods when history comes to a boil – when powerful forces of both destruction and creation result in massive social change. In 2020, the Black Lives Matter Movement emerged as the biggest protest movement in American history, and resounded worldwide.

Patrisse Cullors, one of the co-founders of Black Lives Matter, tells the story of the birth of this powerful movement for racial justice, and shares her vision of a world where black people are actually free, a world that we all deserve to live in.

Featuring

  • Patrisse Cullors, a performance artist and award-winning organizer from Los Angeles, is one of the most effective and influential movement builders of our era. She was a key figure in the fight to force the creation of the first civilian oversight commission of LA’s Sheriff’s Department, but is most widely known as one of the three original co-founders of Black Lives Matter and for her recent, best-selling book, When They Call You a Terrorist: A Black Lives Matter Memoir.

Credits

  • Executive Producer: Kenny Ausubel
  • Written by: Kenny Ausubel
  • Senior Producer and Station Relations: Stephanie Welch
  • Host and Consulting Producer: Neil Harvey
  • Program Engineer and Music Supervisor: Emily Harris

This is an episode of the Bioneers: Revolution from the Heart of Nature series. Visit the radio and podcast homepage to find out how to hear the program on your local station and how to subscribe to the podcast.

Subscribe to the Bioneers: Revolution from The Heart of Nature podcast


Transcript

NEIL HARVEY, HOST: No one can say exactly why, but there are periods when history comes to a boil – when powerful forces of both destruction and creation result in massive social change – a historic time of revolution and evolution. 

PROTESTORS CHANTING: No Justice, No Peace, No racist Police!

HOST: 2020 marked a high tide of serial events since 2012 that crystallized for all to see the systemic racism ravaging Black communities and tearing the US apart. 

It was certainly not news for Black communities and communities of color, who have long endured, resisted and fought to overcome the daily injustices and routine state violence. But for White America, this consciousness of the African American experience reached a historic tipping point. 

Perhaps it was the ubiquity of cell phone cameras that graphically showed the staggering volume of chronic police violence against Black communities. 

Perhaps so many people sheltering in place against COVID-19 now had the time and space to actually pay attention. 

Or perhaps it was the public’s radicalization at this head-spinning political backlash against the nation’s first Black President and the change that so many Americans hoped had finally come to a nation that within a generation would have a majority minority population. 

Whatever forces of history may have converged, the Black Lives Matter Movement had emerged as the biggest protest movement in American history, and it was resounding worldwide. 

Patrisse Cullors spoke at the 2018 Bioneers conference…

PATRISSE CULLORS: In 2013, Alicia Garza, Opal Tometi and I co-created and gave birth to Black Lives Matter. [APPLAUSE] We were super clear on a few things. One, this movement wasn’t a movement about black Americans only. This movement was a global movement, and that was incredibly important that we connected ourselves to a larger diaspora, because anti-black racism isn’t a US phenomenon, it is a global phenomenon. The second thing is we were super clear that Black Lives Matter was about all black lives. It was about black women, black queer folks, black trans folks, black people with convictions, black people who were incarcerated, black people with disabilities. We were not building a movement just for heterosexual cis black men. [APPLAUSE] We were building a movement that could combat patriarchy and homophobia and transphobia. We are building a movement that can have an honest conversation about climate change. We’re building a movement that can have an honest conversation about what justice really looks like to our communities. We were building a movement that was unapologetic about being abolitionist.

And when we created Black Lives Matter, we weren’t on a conference call. We weren’t at an organizing strategy meeting. Each of us were in separate places, watching the verdict of George Zimmerman. We all remember that day – July 13th, 2013 – waiting to hear for some sort of justice for Trayvon Martin, and really some sort of justice for black people, here in the US but also around the world. And instead, what we received was not guilty verdicts. Over and over again I read on my social media feed, not guilty, not guilty, and eventually not guilty of all charges.

HOST: Patrisse Cullors had long been working as an organizer to end mass incarceration and state violence against Black Americans. She founded the group Dignity and Power Now to bring forth a truly Restorative Justice to create both justice and healing for incarcerated African Americans, their families and communities – and to change the structural inequality baked into the system itself.

A year into that work, the murder of Trayvon Martin shocked the nation. Just 17, the Black boy was killed because he looked “suspicious” to an armed neighborhood watchman, George Zimmerman, even though Martin had nothing on him except a pack of Skittles and an iced tea from a walk to his local store.

PC: And I was sitting in Susanville, a small prison town, 11 hours north from Los Angeles, visiting one of my mentees, who actually just received 10 years, 85% time, for never harming a human being. And I’m watching this verdict of someone that we know killed this little boy. There was no question about that. And then also sitting in this prison town, knowing that my mentee deserved to be free.

And I had this moment of first shock, second rage, third despair, and then fourth: What are we going to do about it? [APPLAUSE] And as I was scrolling through my social media feed to figure out who I was going to talk to, how we were going to show up, what was the next step, I came across Alicia Garza’s post. And she had written a love note to black folks, and in that love note, she had closed it off with Black Lives Matter. And I remember looking at those three words and saying, That’s it. That’s it. That’s what we’re going to do.

And I put a hashtag in front of it. And Alicia said, Well, what’s that? [LAUGHTER] And I said, We’re going to make this thing go viral. And within that year, it wasn’t social media that made Black Lives Matter go viral, it was three black women. [APPLAUSE] It was black women and the community of black women and queer folks and trans folks that believed in those three letters, believed it so deeply and so profoundly, and we organized around it. We showed up for it. We talked to people about it. We talked to our own family members about it.

And I remember that first year. Right? That was the year that Obama was in office, and many folks said, Well, we don’t need Black Lives Matter. Why would you say that? You have your black president. It’s all over, guys. [AUDIENCE RESPONDS] And our response was we need Black Lives Matter more than ever.

HOST: The ground truth was that the US was not remotely a post-racial society. Instead, the election of Barack Obama had ignited a brutal racist backlash. 

In 2014 during Obama’s second term, in Ferguson, Missouri a White police officer named Darren Wilson fatally shot Michael Brown Jr., another young Black man who like Trayvon Martin was unarmed. 

The massive spontaneous protests that erupted in the St. Louis suburb were met by overwhelming militarized force by police and the Missouri State Highway Patrol. Many observers compared it to an occupying army.

NEWS ANCHOR: Police departments in the St. Louis area like those across the country are arming their officers with equipment once on the battlefields of Iraq and Afghanistan.

ST. LOUIS PD: This is the Police Department, you must continue to disperse peacefully, or you will be subject to arrest and/or other actions.

CHANTS: Hands up, don’t shoot!

HOST: A St. Louis grand jury declined to indict Wilson, and four months later, the US Department of Justice acquitted him, claiming he acted in self-defense. 

Once again, cell phone cameras showed otherwise, as they would keep doing in what seemed like an unending national nightmare of serial police murders of Black citizens. 

CHANTS: Justice for Michael Brown!

HOST: Time after time, there was little or no accountability for the officers, who were either not charged, charged with lesser offenses, or acquitted.

Ferguson became another tipping point – both in the national consciousness and for the Black Lives Matter movement.

PC: And there was this moment for many of us, in those two to three days that Mike Brown is not just murdered, he’s also left on the concrete for four and a half hours, humiliated in front of his family and his community. And then when the family and community decided to grieve, the way we know how to grieve, right, for black folks protest is grieving. And so folks go out, they hold a vigil, they hold a protest, and instead of receiving care, instead of receiving dignity, instead of receiving love, they’re met with rubber bullets, they’re met with tear gas. And I’m watching, again, on social media, another tragedy.

And I called a few friends up. I said, What are we going to do? This can’t keep happening in this way without a public response, without public outrage. And so, Darnell Moore and I organized 600 black folks to travel from across the country, including Canada, to St. Louis for three days. We called it the Black Lives Matter ride.

And we had two specific goals. The first goal was to show up and just be present, just let folks know that we’re here, we’re here for you, whatever you need. And the second was that we were going to go home and organize. We weren’t going to allow the media to make it seem that Ferguson was an anomaly. We believe that Ferguson was Oakland, Ferguson was Los Angeles, Ferguson was Detroit, Ferguson was Baltimore, Ferguson was every single city where black people existed and were under the lynchpin of state violence and law enforcement violence.

And this became an incredibly important moment for Black Lives Matter, because it’s the rise of what is now a global network of 40 chapters across the globe. We’ve seen Black Lives Matter be used across Latin America. We’ve seen it used at – Yes, shout out! – we’ve seen it used in South Africa. We’ve seen it used in Amsterdam and Australia.

And so as we continued to develop and get stronger and bolder, 2016 happened. And I remember 45, because I don’t say his name, being told that he was the next president of the United States, and I had a similar reaction that I did in July 2013, a reaction of shock, grief, despair. And I remember sort of holding my body and crying, and a good friend of mine leaning over and rubbing my back and saying, We’re going to be okay. And I remember saying to him, No, we’re not. We’re not going to be okay.

And I started to plot my escape from the US. [LAUGHTER] No lie, y’all. [APPLAUSE] Really and truly started to look up other places, where I’m going to take me and my 2 ½ year old, what are we—It’s a wrap. And I’m an organizer, born and raised an organizer, so that was like a couple weeks of me going down a rabbit hole of trying to escape, and rather quickly pulled myself back up and said, Alright, it’s time to fight. It’s time to fight. [APPLAUSE]

HOST: Patrisse Cullors spent the next two years exploring how to move forward with the growing Black Lives Matter global network, and with other organizations and community members. 

In 2018, she published her bestselling book: When They Call You a Terrorist: A Black Lives Matter Memoir where she described the impact state violence has had on her life.

the federal government and police departments sought to brand the growing movement as a terrorist organization, conducting widespread surveillance on the overwhelmingly peaceful protesters and organizers exercising their civil rights. 

It was a well-worn playbook reminiscent of the 1960s when FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover labeled the Black Panthers a terrorist organization and brought the full force of militarized federal repression against Black activists as well as their White allies, planting provocateurs, and carrying out political murders.

CHANTS:  I can’t breathe, I can’t breathe!

HOST: When we return, the head-spinning cascade of events that would propel Black Lives Matter to become the biggest protest movement in American history, and Patrisse Cullors’ vision for what Black Lives Matter is fighting for…

This is “Bending Toward Justice”, on The Bioneers: Revolution From the Heart of Nature.

In the years leading up to 2020, there was a rising national movement to remove Confederate monuments and flags that, to many people, glorified white supremacy. The momentum radically accelerated following the Charleston AME church racist mass murder of Black parishioners in 2015, and the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia that led to the killing of the peaceful protester, Heather Heyer [pronounced HIGHER], by a White Supremacist. 

Then came the killing of George Floyd. 

PROTESTORS CHANTING: Take your knee off our necks…

HOST: On Memorial Day 2020, the gruesome on-camera police murder of George Floyd convulsed the nation and world. Witnesses filmed officer Derek Chauvin pressing his knee on Floyd’s neck for an agonizing 8 minutes and 46 seconds while calling for him to stop. Within minutes, the world was able to see the policeman’s casual cruelty and cold arrogance of power. All for Floyd’s allegedly passing a counterfeit $20 bill. 

Peaceful, cooperative and unarmed, Floyd cried out more than 20 times that he couldn’t breathe. 

George Floyd’s murder ignited people worldwide to protest and demand justice.

PROTESTORS CHANTING: Black lives matter, Black Lives matter…

HOST: Patrisse Cullors spoke at a rally in Los Angeles.

PC: We’re living in the middle of an uprising…35 cities yesterday and counting are uprising. We’re uprising not just for black death, let’s be real clear. We are uprising for black life!

Somewhere between 15 to 26 million people took to the streets in the US. Polls estimated 104 million Americans now voiced their support for Black Lives Matter. They came from all walks of life and generations.

NASCAR’s only Black driver Bubba Wallace raced in his car emblazoned with Black Lives Matter. Astoundingly, NASCAR banned the display of Confederate flags, as did the US Navy.

Small predominantly White towns that had never before had protests marched to proclaim that Black Lives Matter.

As Martin Luther King Jr. III commented:

MARTIN LUTHER KING JR, III: I’ve never seen anything quite like this in my life. We’ve never seen a large number of white people who are taking a knee and apologizing for 400 years of mistreatment of black people. So there’s a different energy this time than ever before.

HOST: The demands were no longer only for police accountability, or getting rid of so-called “bad apples.” Where just a few years earlier, the term “systemic racism” had been confined to activists and academics, now it was center stage everywhere. 

Patrisse Cullors and others called on cities to shift a proportion of funds away from law enforcement and toward essential social services that are often underfunded.   

She discussed the issue with NBC’s Late Night host, Seth Meyers.

PC: If anybody has time, they should look up their city budget, it’s public. And what they will come to realize across every major city and I argue small cities as well, the majority of the budgets are made up as a law enforcement budget. And what we start to realize so much in our communities that are divested from, that have little access to health care, educational opportunities, access to jobs and healthy food, is that our city governments are using our tax dollars to primarily pay for an economy of punishment over an economy of care.

HOST: The city of Los Angeles reallocated $150 million of the LAPD’s 2 billion dollar budget to provide services and programs for communities of color, including a youth summer jobs program. Other cities followed suit. The new trajectory was toward addressing grave economic injustice and to create jobs, businesses, housing, social services, education, health care and mental health care.

When Patrisse Cullors spoke at the Bioneers conference in 2018, she could not have known all this was about to unfold. But that did not matter – she did know she had to bend the arc toward justice in the centuries-long lineage of the fierce struggle by Black people and their allies for freedom, equal rights and equal justice all over the world.

She had a vision not only that this kind of transformation was possible – but that so much more was possible…

PC: How do we – yes – respond to the terrible, terrible crimes against humanity? And yet also how do we build a vision, a vision where we can imagine black people living, black people thriving, where part of the work that we’re doing is not just responding to our death, not just responding to the harm against us, but actually developing something that has the ability to raise my child, to raise my child’s child, and his children’s children. And what does that vision actually look like? What does it feel like? What does it smell like? What does it sound like?

Part of our work, all of us in this room, is not just about tearing things down. We know that. But what are we building and what are we building towards?

And so I just want to ask the audience for a couple of minutes to humor me.

Close your eyes. Put your hands on your legs or beside you, and take a moment to imagine that we are living in a different time, to imagine we are living in a moment where all of our needs are met. Every single human being that we interact with is not suffering. Instead we are led with joy. And take it a step further, and imagine what you would want your community to look like, what it would sound like. Listen to those sounds. Honor them. And take it a step further and imagine what would be built around your community. Imagine that every single jail and prison no longer has a place there. And instead there are homes for everyone, community for everyone. Good, healthy food for everyone. And take it a step further, and imagine that healthcare is no longer a big business. That we have now entered a world where we get our physical and emotional and spiritual needs met, that we, yes, can go to professionals, but we also have access – the parts of us that know how to heal ourselves.

And take it a step further, where women no longer have to fight for autonomy of our bodies, where folks who are trans survive past 35. And just hold that right now, in this moment. Hold that feeling. Hold how special that vision is. And as you slowly open your eyes, take the time, every single day, to remember that vision, to remember why we fight so hard. We’re not fighting so hard because we want to fight so hard. We’re fighting so hard because we have a vision. We have a vision for what we deserve, for what every single human being, animal being, plant being deserves.

And when you think about Black Lives Matter, when you think about the movement that has been created over the last five years, remember that our movement is about imagining, imagining a world where black folks are actually free. [APPLAUSE] Imagining a world where the word poverty is a past tense, imagining a world where we don’t need handcuffs or shackles any longer, imagining a world that we all deserve to live in. Thank you so much, Bioneers. [APPLAUSE]

Bioneers 2020 Day 4: Healing Ecosystems & Uprooting Racism

The fourth and final day of the Bioneers 2020 Conference was a reminder of the ways in which humanity interacts with the natural world, to its benefit as well as to its detriment.

“By elevating ourselves above her, separating and isolating ourselves from nature, by refusing to understand nature as a living entity, we bring our own ruin,” said Mari Margil of the Center for Democratic and Environmental Rights. “And in taking ourselves down, we seem intent on taking everything else down with us.”

Following are some of the ideas and takeaways Bioneers introduced at Conference Day 4.


ACTION ITEMS

Lessons, in Their Own Words:

  • “We need to make a fundamental shift in how we govern ourselves toward nature, transforming nature from being considered other, incapable of possessing rights and protections, to nature being recognized as a living entity with legal rights, finally afforded even the most basic rights to exist, to thrive, to regenerate, to evolve, and to be restored.” –Mari Margil; Executive Director | Center for Democratic and Environmental Rights
  • “Something is yearning to be born and worth fighting for. We need to breathe deeper. …Become lightning striking its ‘yes’ into the atmosphere.” -Naima Penniman; Program Director | Soul Fire Farm
  • “Society is waking up to the fact that we cannot have a healthy food system if we ignore racial justice and if we ignore the health of the land. We are in an uprising and a portal to something ancient and new. …My belief is that the work of this moment is to return maize, both literally and metaphorically, to her sisters, to restore the polyculture, the carbon sequestration, the agroecology, and the honoring of our ancient and powerful ways.” -Leah Penniman; Co-Executive Director | Soul Fire Farm 
  • “When you have the honor and privilege of partnering with and learning from Indigenous colleagues, you understand that yes, indeed, the world can be woven anew.” -Mark Plotkin; Co-Founder and President | Amazon Conservation Team
  • “The question of ‘What’s wrong with the food system?’ feels huge in my mind. It’s difficult for me to answer what’s right with it, when I think about the exploitation, excessive profit over people, when I think about control over others instead of relationship in solidarity with others. I think about its impact on the earth, the soil, communities’ health. I think about the way that this system has been used as a tool of racism and white supremacy. What’s right with our food system?” -Heber Brown; Founding Director | Orita’s Cross Freedom School
  • “What we conspire with comes to life, now more so than ever before because the veils are so thin. How do we sound in unison with the great loss we are all experiencing right now so that it knows that we are here honoring it as it transitions into something new? …We need to normalize discomfort as a great teacher.” -Alixa Garcia; Artist

Campaigns to Follow & Support:

  • Learn more about the Native American Food Sovereignty Alliance, including its Indigenous Seed Keepers Network project, which promotes Indigenous cultural diversity for future generations by collecting, growing, and sharing heirloom seeds and plants. (Mentioned in the panel BIPOC Leaders Share Food Sovereignty Strategies)
  • Fight for the legal rights of nature with the Center for Democratic and Environmental Rights, which works with governments, tribal nations, Indigenous communities, civil society, and grassroots activists to protect the human right to a healthy environment and establish the rights of the environment itself – the rights of nature. (Mentioned in Mari Margil and Thomas Linzey’s keynote address, Changing Everything: The Global Movement for the Rights of Nature)
  • Read Leah Penniman’s Farming While Black, the first comprehensive “how to” guide for aspiring African-heritage growers to reclaim their dignity as agriculturists and for all farmers to understand the distinct, technical contributions of African-heritage people to sustainable agriculture. (Mentioned in Leah Penniman’s keynote address, Farming While Black: Uprooting Racism and Seeding Sovereignty)
  • Support the conservation of the Amazon with the Amazon Conservation Team, which works hand-in-hand with Indigenous and other local people to apply the power of innovation and time-tested traditional practices to protect the forests and watersheds of tropical America. (Mentioned in Mark Plotkin’s keynote address, The Healing Forest Inferno: Conservation of the Amazon in the Face of Fires and COVID-19)
  • Learn more about how banks are supporting the fossil fuel industry and how you can support efforts to hold them accountable with the Rainforest Action Network. (Mentioned in the panel Turning off the Toxic Tap: Innovative Approaches to Stopping Big Oil)

ACTION ITEMS FROM ALL 4 CONFERENCE DAYS

Take Action with Speakers from the 2020 Conference

We’ve collected all of our roundups and action items from each day of the Bioneers 2020 Conference into one spot for you to review and share.

Take Action & Spread the Word

Bioneers 2020 Day 3: The Power of Small Acts

In the third day of the Bioneers 2020 Conference, speakers and panelists discussed the power of individuals to create widespread change, and the intensification of that power through bridging divides.

“What I advocate for is that we begin with short bridges, and at the same time we pay attention to structure and culture,” said Director of the Othering and Belonging Institute john a. powell. “We engage in a practice that centers our body, centers our mind, centers our heart. But we also recognize that we’re a part of the world. It’s an iterative process. It’s not one before the other. We do both at the same time.”

Following are some of the ideas and takeaways Bioneers introduced at Conference Day 3.


ACTION ITEMS

Lessons, in Their Own Words:

  • “Make no mistake, above all, what COVID is unveiling is a sneak preview of what climate chaos is going to unleash. Climate resilience is about to become the central organizing principle of everyone’s lives.” -Kenny Ausubel; CEO & Co-Founder | Bioneers
  • “We can build the resilience to stay awake and engaged in the great work of remaking our lives and world through an infinite procession of itsy, bitsy small actions and efforts, because the power of small is much bigger than you think. But we have to believe, and we have to invest, and we have to keep leaning in.” -Trathen Heckman; Founder and Director | Daily Acts Organization
  • “When we say a feminist climate renaissance, it doesn’t mean get out of the way, women are in charge of everything now; it means that we need to embrace these stereotypically feminine characteristics as part of how we lead ourselves out of this absolute morass that we’re currently in.” -Ayana Elizabeth Johnson; CEO and Founder | Ocean Collectiv
  • “Paying an undocumented person half the value of their work, extracting all you can get from them to take care of your homes and families, and then deporting them is an American math story gone wrong.” -Alejandro Fuentes-Mena; Motus Theater
  • “It’s not enough to just say ‘I’m a good person. I don’t see hierarchy. I don’t see differences.’ Those differences are real. We can’t just sit in ourselves. We can’t just engage in internal work to fix these problems. These problems are inside and outside. …Bridging doesn’t mean we agree with someone. It’s predicated on seeing each other. It’s predicated on being present. It’s predicated on listening. It’s predicated on compassion, which means to suffer together.” -john a. Powell; Director | Othering and Belonging Institute
  • “I think that if we neglect the mental health aspects of organizing and activism and climate anxiety, and all of the stuff that comes with trying to fight against the end of the world, then we’re going to have an entire generation of very burnt out, very cynical people.” -Jamie Margolin; Founder | Zero Hour
  • “We have to get much more adept at understanding how policy works and how it shapes the systems we’re in. To do that, we’ll have to build a system of support across views in our society. There are places of common ground in this.” -Brett KenCairn; Senior Policy Advisor for Climate and Resilience | Boulder, Colorado
  • “American consciousness has been holding on to this ideal of the mystical Indian, and that’s been very convenient. They aren’t looking at all the things that make us complex because that requires questioning a lot of the story of the foundation of this country.” -Tommy Orange; Author | There There

Campaigns to Follow & Support:

  • Reclaim the power of your every daily action to create a regenerative, resilient and just world. Daily Acts is a holistic education nonprofit that takes a heart-centered approach to inspiring transformative actions that create connected, equitable, and climate resilient communities. (Mentioned by Trathen Heckman in his keynote presentation, The Power of Small for Big Transformations)
  • Historically, popular literature written by non-Natives has misrepresented the stories and lives of Indigenous Peoples. Decolonize your bookshelf by reading and sharing the literary works of Indigenous authors. Here’s a good place to start. (Mentioned in the panel The Power of Words: Indigenous Writers Workshop)
  • Support data that makes a difference. Data for Progress is a multidisciplinary group of experts using state-of-the-art techniques in data science to support progressive activists and causes. (Mentioned by Julian Brave NoiseCat in the panel The New Deals We Need Now: Green, Red and Blue)
  • Uplift organizations making a difference in the lives of Indigenous young people. The American Indian Child Resource Center is an American Indian led, American Indian serving community service organization focusing on American Indian foster care, mental health, education & cultural protective factors. (Mentioned by Manny Lieras in the panel The Power of Words: Indigenous Writers Workshop)
  • Center the voices of diverse youth in the conversation around climate and environmental justice with Zero Hour. (Mentioned by Jamie Margolin in her keynote address, Burnout and Balance: Finding an Identity Outside Of Your Activism)

READ KENNY AUSUBEL’S DAY 3 OPENING REMARKS

The Upside of the Downside

“The best way to predict the future is to create it. That’s what we’re here to do. All power to the imagination.”

Read Bioneers CEO & Co-Founder Kenny Ausubel’s Conference Day 3 opening remarks here.