Why Equity is Good for Everyone: Changing the Story, Changing the World with john a. powell and Heather McGhee

How do we change the story of corrosive racial inequity? First, we have to understand the stories we tell ourselves. In this program, racial justice innovators john a. powell and Heather McGhee show how empathy, honesty and the recognition of our common humanity can change the story to bridge the racial divides tearing humanity and the Earth apart.

Featuring

Credits

  • Executive Producer: Kenny Ausubel
  • Written by: Kenny Ausubel
  • Senior Producer and Station Relations: Stephanie Welch
  • Host and Consulting Producer: Neil Harvey
  • Producer: Teo Grossman
  • Program Engineer and Music Supervisor: Emily Harris

This is an episode of the Bioneers: Revolution from the Heart of Nature series. Visit the radio and podcast homepage to find out how to hear the program on your local station and how to subscribe to the podcast.

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Transcript

NEIL HARVEY, HOST: George Lakoff, the author, cognitive activist and professor of linguistics at the University of California, says this: 

“One of the fundamental findings of cognitive science is that people think in terms of frames and metaphors — conceptual structures. The frames are in the synapses of our brains — physically present in the form of neural circuitry. When the facts don’t fit the frames, the frames are kept and the facts ignored.”

In other words, forget prevailing on the facts or the science – on reason. It’s all about the story. Changing the story can change the world. 

How do we change the story of corrosive racial inequity? First, we have to understand the stories we tell ourselves, says Professor john a. powell of UC Berkeley’s Othering and Belonging Institute. He’s an internationally recognized expert in the areas of civil rights, structural racism, housing, poverty and democracy. He is the author of “Racing to Justice: Transforming Our Concepts of Self and Other to Build an Inclusive Society.” 

john a. powell spoke at a Bioneers conference…

john a. powell: There are always multiple narratives, and those narratives are competing. And most of the time we don’t realize and we don’t talk about them in terms of narratives. So we live in stories, and most of the time we live in stories unconsciously. So we don’t think, this is my story. And what we’re doing now which is sort of interesting, we’re consciously engaging stories, we’re consciously engaging narratives.

And narratives do a lot of things. They help us make meaning of the world. There are a lot of writings to suggest that people’s experience doesn’t belong to them until they can tell a story about it. There’s actually research suggesting that children do not have a sense of self until they have a story about the self.

Unfortunately, in the United States the dominant story it’s about the individual, is about working hard, is about basically moving towards meritocracy and if you don’t make it, it’s your fault. We just did some research with low-income people – white and black – which is interesting, and these are people who are really struggling – we found that whites were more likely to believe the story that if they weren’t making it, it was their fault, whereas the black poor was more – economically almost exactly the same – but they were more likely to believe there’s a flawed system.

john a. powell at the 2014 Bioneers Conference

HOST: In a culture of hyper-individualism, says john a. powell, we’re conditioned to take everything personally: It’s our own doing, our own responsibility. Although personal responsibility can be a high virtue, all of us are operating within larger systems that we didn’t create or choose, and that are often stacked to guide our narratives and behavior. 

But why would white people and Black people hold such different perspectives on personal responsibility versus a rigged system? And equally important, who really benefits from that story – and from that system?

Heather McGhee designs and promotes solutions to inequality in the US. She is the author of the book The Sum of Us: What Racism Costs and How We can Prosper Together

Since 2002, she has helped build the non-partisan “think and do” tank Demos and has had a profound influence on public policy – from landmark consumer protections to financial regulation, wage increases for low-paid workers, and democracy reforms.

She says the story of personal responsibility for racial inequity is embedded in a deliberate campaign of misdirection. 

Heather McGhee spoke at a Bioneers conference.

HEATHER MCGHEE: There is a paradigm that is ascendant right now, which is a zero-sum paradigm of racial competition, or gender competition, or national origin competition, or even urban/rural competition. And the idea there is that when my group does well, it’s at the expense of your group, and if your group is doing well, it’s at my expense. And that group competition is always sort of lateral. [LAUGHS] It’s very rarely vertical. [LAUGHTER]

And of course that is the underlying narrative in the white nationalist – fear of demographic change, “you will not replace us”, “make America great again” by changing who is in power in America, make America great for white men again. All of that. The idea that is ascendant, and according to at least a couple of researchers, a majority idea that the most discrimination is now against white people, not people of color. 

So I think this is controversial, but it seems to me important in terms of the aspiration for the we. When progressives and radicals talk about white supremacy and white privilege, we say that racism is a benefit, a material and psychological benefit to white people, as much as it is a cost and a harm to people of color. And there’s a—obviously a ton of economic evidence to show that, but if you think about it that way, it’s pretty hard to actually unlock that logic – racism is good for white people and bad for people of color – from the logic of the white nationalists, that say that progress for people of color is bad for white people.

And so I’m really interested in telling the many different stories that are there and have been there from the beginning of our country’s history and all across the world of when white supremacy was materially and psychologically and emotionally harmful to white people, when patriarchy has been harmful to men.

And there are so many examples, and it’s just not one of the stories that we have felt an interest in sharing, because there’s so much pain and trauma, and we still have to fight to be heard that racism exists and that white privilege exists. And yet what this current moment, this absurd political moment is really offering up is a very good example of when clinging to white supremacy has cost a white America because equity could be greater for all of us. [APPLAUSE]

Heather McGhee at the 2017 Bioneers Conference

HOST: Heather McGhee has long worked on issues around economic, racial and political inequality. Some of her earlier work with Demos focused on the issue of personal debt. 

She says debt is a clear example of where shifting the narrative made pivotal differences in story and public policy. In particular, the campaign she directed redirected the notion of who the real culprit was in the crisis of rising personal debt.

HM: When I started working at Demos on the issue of credit card debt, it was 2002, and over the course of the 1990s, the volume of credit card debt in the country had tripled, with the highest increase coming among low-income households and elderly households. And yet this kind of crisis that had topped $1 trillion for the first time, this crisis – and of course there were payday loans as well, and people using their mortgages as credit cards – this crisis of mounting debt was not seen as an economic issue, it was seen as a personal finance issue. Right?

And so when we went and we did our media scan of the issue that we were going to work on, it was like all in the personal finance columns, and then there’d be some kind of USA Today regular-type of story, but it was about like bankruptcy or something like that, and it was always the culprit, the responsible one, was the borrower. And of course they weren’t responsible, they were irresponsible, and the word irresponsible came up all the time.

Debt is a serious and fascinating motif in our society, and phenomenon. But when you are trying to think about an economic story that has villains and victims, it’s a pretty powerful one.

So long story short, we spent the next 7 years working very hard, using research and storytelling to reframe the issue of debt among the people we decided had the power to do something about it – journalists and policymakers, particularly at the federal level.

And so the shift we wanted to make that I think we were pretty successful at was from people borrowing for frivolous expenses. I remember it was like DVDs which were new at the time, and sneakers was the coverage. To people borrowing for the little things in life, like healthcare and childcare and rent. [LAUGHTER] And, you know, we did a big household survey to show this – working and middle- class families – What are you putting on your credit cards? A carburetor. Right? Prescription drugs.

This was such a huge change, right? Tripled in the course of 10 years – we did need a culprit, and as it turned out, the deregulation of the credit card industry that had happened in the late 1970s, but really the practices changed in the late 1980s, had made it so that if you—once you got into debt, it was nearly impossible to get out, and your volumes of your debt was just growing and growing and growing.

So we were able to really shine a light on these tricks and traps, as our friend Elizabeth Warren says, and make the irresponsible people in the story, not the little lady counting out her prescription drugs, but the Wells Fargo bank and the Citibank that were making money hand over fist. And that switch was extremely important, and frankly one of the most moralized, moralistic sort of economic terrains that we have to paving the way for the Credit Card Act of 2009, which had a whole bunch of consumer protections that have saved borrowers over $50 billion in fees alone. [APPLAUSE]

HOST: Who benefitted from the tricks and traps of the personal debt crisis were the banks and credit card companies. 

The efforts of Heather McGhee and Demos played a vital role in changing the story and led to policy and legal changes that saved people from the debt trap. 

Then again, the stories people hold are complicated, nuanced and diverse. They turn on many factors including their situation in life, race, gender, the media they consume, and their own psychology.

So how do you break through the stories people hold, to open the space to allow a different way of seeing? 

john a. powell says it starts with acknowledging and respecting people’s points of view. 

Then again, it does not end there. It’s usually not so much an issue of bad apples as it is of a rotten apple barrel – the system itself.

JP: Taking a knee. Is taking a knee about disrespecting the flag or is it about respecting the flag and what this flag stands for in terms of equality and justice? [APPLAUSE]

Here’s another one. Charlottesville. Taking down the statue of Robert E. Lee. It’s like, Oh, you’re taking down our history. Robert E. Lee was a traitor. He fought to dis-unite the United States. So people who are fighting to take down those statues should be wrapping themselves in the flag. We believe in the United States. There are a lot of people who don’t.

Who’s the villain? The people who don’t believe in the United States. But this is the hard thing: There has to be a way for them back in. And so if there is someone who is culpable, it can’t be that they’re evil. And also just as a factual thing, systems are complex. There are people who are deliberately doing things that are evil. People who will deliberately kill millions of people, who help to call it out. But most people are not in that space.

Wells Fargo was the largest mortgage lender in the world. NAACP filed a suit against them. I negotiated with Wells Fargo. And we were coming out of a meeting, I was trying to get them to reset some loans and do a bunch of things. When you securitize these things, you put them in trusts, and the law says you can’t open it up. Blah, blah, blah. And so I’m talking to these Wells Fargo guys and I said: I don’t know how to open it up, but you do. You can open it up. And they look at me like, How’d you know that? [LAUGHTER]

And then we walk out and Ben Jealous says to me, “john, I don’t get it; you pushed these really hard, you all but call them racist, and they like you.” [LAUGHTER] And I say, “Yeah, and I like them too, but I’m pushing them because we need to do something.” And I said, “How do you feel about them?” He said, “I can’t stand them.”

The point I’m making is that that space where they felt –and they were trying. Right? It’s like I work for Wells Fargo, I’m the vice president of whatever it is, but I’m not an evil person. I’m sort of trapped, too, by these rules, by the laws, by the whatever. And I’m saying, You can push. You can push.

So I guess what I always say is that if the villain is personalized, we have to be extremely careful and provide a way back into the circle of human concern.

When we seriously engage in othering people, we actually diminish ourselves as well. So we may be more effective, and I know in politics you have to be concerned about being effective, but we also have to be concerned about our humanity.

HOST: When we return… more from john a. powell and Heather McGhee on how empathy, listening and respect can liberate everyone, and how changing the story leads to a vertical climb to systemic change. In other words, don’t take it too personally.

This is, “Why Equity is Good for Everyone: Changing the Story, Changing the World,” on the Bioneers: Revolution From the Heart of Nature.

Imagine for a moment trying to connect with someone coming from a radically different and offensive point of view. Then add racial prejudice to the mix. Then air the surprise interaction live on national TV.

That’s what Heather McGhee faced on C-SPAN in 2016 during the height of the racially charged Trump campaign.

HM: I’m on the show, and halfway through I get a call from a guy who identifies himself as Gary from North Carolina

GARY FROM NORTH CAROLINA ON C-SPAN: Yes, good morning. I was hoping your guest could help me change my mind about some things. I’m a white male and I am prejudiced. The reason it is, something I wasn’t taught but it’s something that I learned. When I open up the papers I get discouraged at what young black males are doing to each other, the crime rates and it’s a deep issue that goes beyond that…

HM: You know so I’m listening and again it’s like this closeup on my face as I’m hearing this, right? So I’m like hmmm [LAUGHTER] And then he says, but I want to change. And I want to know what your guest can do to help me become a better American. [AUDIENCE RESPONDS] So, you know, my heart’s like in my throat, and this is all live television. And this really kind of snarky host was like, “Heather?” [LAUGHTER] But you know, you don’t really have time to think in this moment, so I said the first thing that came to my mind, which was, Thank you. Thank you for being honest, because being honest about your bias is one of the most powerful things that you can do in this moment.

And then I went on to very much off the top of my head give him some ideas about what he could do to basically de-bias his life, to integrate his life.

HEATHER MCGHEE ON C-SPAN: So what can you do? Get to know black families who are not all, not even any majority are involved in crime and gangs. Turn off the news at night because we know that actually nightly news and many media markets that have been studied actually over represents African-American crime and under represents crimes that happen by white people…

HM: I said, read about the history of African Americans in this country. I could tell he had like a white/black paradigm going. Foster conversation in your community about these issues.

And then that was it. Right? Because then it goes onto the next caller. And I went on to the next call and stepped off the set, and one of my coworkers in our communications team said, That was a really powerful exchange; we should put it on Facebook. I said, yeah, sure.

And so it went on Facebook on Saturday, and by Monday it had a million views. And Demos’ social media is like charts and graphs, and it does not usually get a million views, but this one did. It just had this life of its own.

And then there were articles about it in local news stories. And it was just one of those like positive stories that people just couldn’t get enough of, because this was a really—this was August of the Trump campaign summer. Right? And this—You know, Donald Trump is going—coming down those golden stairs and saying Mexicans are rapists and criminals, and then saying, I’m not a racist. [LAUGHTER] And here was this sort of white every man saying, I’m prejudiced and I want to change.

And then I, a black woman on TV – that’s how I was identified: Black woman gives amazing answer to racist caller. [LAUGHTER] And I didn’t bite his head off. I wasn’t an angry black woman. I spoke with empathy that I honestly felt. Right? It wasn’t an act.

But so long story short, I will tell you the end of this story, which is that Gary from North Carolina went on Twitter to find me, because this is—It was in his local newspaper now, this story about the prejudiced guy from North Carolina. [LAUGHTER] I just have this image of him opening up his paper and like – [LAUGHTER]

He calls me, and he says – this was about a week later – He says, I went to a black church on Sunday, [AUDIENCE RESPONDS] and I went to the bookstore and I got all these African American studies books, and I told the girl at the checkout that I was trying to become less prejudiced. [LAUGHTER] And he has actually gone on what he calls this walk.

And I know Gary now. I’ve met him. I would actually—I’ve hung out with him probably half a dozen times over the course of the past 18 months, and I can honestly consider him a friend. And it’s pretty amazing to see how much a moment of empathy can just be an invitation.

He’s done all the work. Like I’m not saving this guy. I have other things to do. [LAUGHTER] But it was an invitation, and he answered it, and it was just the right moment, the right time in his life, and he’s now really committed to being an anti-racist, and to bringing other people along. [APPLAUSE]

HOST: But unlike Gary, not all such interactions take place in a space of honesty, empathy and openness. How do you create a basis to find common ground when people’s viewpoints and stories are closed and hostile?

Again, john a. powell…

JP: I was asked to go down and speak in Alabama to a bunch of community folks who were—questions about the Affordable Care Act. And it was—300 people in the room, all white, I think all Republican, almost all working class. And before I went out to talk to them, my host said, We should tell you, we had someone coming in last week to talk about some of these same issues about the Affordable Care Act and race, and they got booed off the stage. So good luck.

So I went out there, again, people were completely closed, and I was talking about the Affordable Care Act and race. And I asked– started asking a series of questions. I said, How many of you in the audience – just sort of stand you up if someone in your family lost their insurance because they lost their job? Some people stood up. I said, keep standing. And how many of you had some procedure denied because the insurance company – after your doctor prescribed it – said they weren’t going to pay for it? I asked like two more questions. By now, everybody’s standing up. Right? And I said, Well how does that make you feel? They were—And they used a lot of colorful words. [LAUGHTER] And I said, The insurance companies shouldn’t be deciding your life. And that’s what the Affordable Care Act is trying to fix… Yeah.

And as bad as it is in your community, it’s worse in the black and Latino community. I didn’t lose one person. So part of what I did in terms of empathetic listening and engagement is I got their suffering into the conversation.

HOST: At the same time, says john a. powell, establishing a respectful personal connection can be the first step toward that vertical view.

JP: After the four or five police got killed I think in Dallas or someplace, I was walking in New York. This was 6:00 at night. It was dusk. And there were these four burly police in New York. They’re just chatting each other up, and I see them and I start walking over toward them. And the people milling around – this was in Union Square. And as I get close to them, the chattering starts slowing down, and then pretty soon all eyes are fixed on me. It’s like…And here’s this old black man walking up against these 4 white guys with guns and billy club and radios, and it’s like they’re afraid. I mean, they clearly are afraid. And I walk up to them and I say, Oh, good evening. I just want to say I really appreciate you trying to keep us safe. We had a conversation then. And literally one guy says, Who are you anyway? [LAUGHTER] And they said, Do you have a card? Do you ever come to New York? [LAUGHTER]

Now, in that moment, right, I had recognized their humanity. But it’s just not horizontal. Their relationship with the community is vertical. So there—They wanted their humanity acknowledged, but they’re still in a vertical position.

And so part of that has to become part of the story. And I do a lot of work with police departments, and one of the flaws is how do you help the police become better people. And that’s always a good goal, but they’re in a system that’s incredibly corrupt. And you put a black police in that system, a white police in that system, a woman in that system, and they get corrupted by the system.

So part of it is really to make the system itself support our collective belonging. We can’t do all the work at the interpersonal level. And we have systems and structures that make it almost impossible for us to see each other as human beings.

And there’s a lot of stuff we can build on and stories that we can tell and narratives, but unless we also tell a narrative about the system and how the system is tearing us apart, even as we try to be together, I think we can’t build a circle where we all belong.

A Keynote Conversation with john a. powell

In recent years, political polarization and a sense of “othering” has been immensely apparent, both in ideology and physical manifestations, such as the border wall. It’s time for collective healing. But this will take more than proclaiming individual stances against systems of oppression. The current moment demands we unite and actively work to dismantle those systems — not merely disapprove of them.

john a. powell is the Director of the Othering and Belonging Institute and Professor of Law, African American, and Ethnic Studies at UC Berkeley. In his keynote address at the Bioneers 2020 Conference, he challenged us to think beyond individualized practices of bridging across differences, which ignore the structural injustices we live in.

After the conference, Bioneers CEO and Co-founder Kenny Ausubel spoke with john about how we can better understand the structures of “othering,” through the lenses of history, neuroscience, and philosophy, and how we can all contribute to changing these structures through new stories, new practices, and new intentions.

Watch john’s keynote address to the 2020 Bioneers Conference.

To learn more about john a. powell, visit the Othering and Belonging Institute.

A Keynote Conversation with Vanessa Daniel

Underrepresented populations, including BIPOC and gender non-conforming people, are often on the frontlines of justice movements. Existing at the compounding intersections of state violence, these groups have developed an adaptive ability to see the world with astonishing moral and political clarity. They are illuminating new ways toward liberation in which everyone benefits, and yet they remain the least funded.

Vanessa Daniel is the founder and Executive Director of Groundswell Fund and Groundswell Action Fund, two organizations that support grassroots organizing led by gender non-conforming people and women of color. In her keynote address to the Bioneers 2020 Conference, she forced us to reckon with the urgency of the current moment.

After the conference, Bioneers Co-founder and Chief Relationship Strategist Nina Simons spoke with Vanessa about her work with the Groundswell community, building cross-cultural and multi-racial coalitions, and where she sees the future of organizing.

Watch Vanessa’s keynote address to the 2020 Bioneers Conference.

Learn more about Vanessa Daniel at groundswellfund.org.

An Interview with Daniel Mendoza – The California Endowment’s Harrison Visionary Award Winner

Daniel Mendoza is the Dream Beyond Bars Coordinator at Communities United for Restorative Youth Justice (CURYJ) in Oakland, CA. CURYJ builds community relationships and mobilizes young leaders to organize in the movement to end mass incarceration and youth criminalization. As the fellowship coordinator, Daniel is dedicated to humanizing the lives of young people of color who have been impacted by various punitive systems, equipping them with the knowledge, tools, and wisdom to become activated in their communities and bring forth positive outcomes. Daniel believes that those closest to the trauma of incarceration, are closest to the solutions. He was awarded the Brandon Harrison Visionary Award from the California Endowment Youth Awards, an award that uplifts one young leader who has overcome significant adversity to place themselves and their community on a path toward success.

Maya Carlson, Bioneers: Tell me about yourself, Daniel. What makes you who you are? 

Daniel Mendoza, CURYJ: I’m 25 years old.. I often feel like I’m 60. I’m definitely an old soul. I was born and raised in San Francisco, in the Mission District, and my grandparents have a house in the Bernal Heights area and in the Mission District. My parents were high school sweethearts. They were also born and raised in San Francisco. At some point in my younger teenage years, we moved to Oakland, but I was still a part of the San Francisco Unified School District. I’ve been in multiple different schools since elementary. I had what they called learning disabilities, auditory processing, and speech impediments, so all these different things that were obstacles for me in my young school years. When I went to high school, I was labeled ADHD because I couldn’t focus. I went to five high schools in total and I was labeled a problematic student. Looking back, I think it really stressed out my parents. My mom didn’t know what to do with me because she was so used to the normal education system. Me not being able to learn in that system was really difficult for her. 

All of those experiences led me to a high school called Dewey High School in Oakland where I met George Galvis and others who  were teaching a youth positive male development class through Communities United for Restorative Youth Justice (CURYJ). Most of the people in my class were young Latino men. It was one of my first experiences in a space with so many people that looked like me and one of the first times that I was excited for class in school. They gave us the space to discuss things that were important to us, ranging from the police brutality we saw on our way home to how we felt when our friends, loved ones and our family were dying from gun violence or drugs.

The week after I turned 18, I was incarcerated. And after being away for a total of two years, George Galvis offered me a job at CURYJ. My pride didn’t want to ask for it, but he saw I had a spark and he made space for me. He wanted to bring me in so I wouldn’t fall back into old patterns. He wanted to show me that there are people who look like me and come from my community making an impact. He gradually gave me more leadership facilitating the youth groups and going to Sacramento where we were shown how legislation affects us locally, statewide, and nationally. This experience definitely politicized me. George saw my anger and gave me an outlet to express that in a positive way through advocating for policy change. 

I’ve been with CURYJ for about five years. I began as part of the Positive Youth Justice Initiative, which later became the Dream Beyond Bars Fellowship. The Positive Youth Justice Initiative was a coalition of  organizations throughout the state of California doing youth leadership development and political education for a large spectrum of change. But CURYJ saw a need for more sustained engagement in the lives of youth. Through the Dream Beyond Bars Fellowship, CURYJ deepened this political education work by scaling up the hours of youth engagement to 20 hours a week and paying each fellow $18 an hour. 

Maya: Tell me more about the Dream Beyond Bars Fellowship.

Daniel: The Dream Beyond Bars Fellowship aims to heal and transform the lives of young people through political education, giving them the power to create change and advocate for themselves. There are so many things left out of our education system. The fellowship aims to offer youth the life skills they aren’t offered in school in addition to bringing them in as experts in their lived experiences of youth criminalization and incarceration in their own lives and in their communities. 

One of the most meaningful things we do is provide accountability to one another. If someone shows up late, there’s accountability. We create a little family outside of your family. It’s that extra level of support that someone might have too much pride to ask for. We believe that relationships come before tasks. Before I ask anybody in the group to open up, I make sure we build a personal relationship first. We take hikes, talk about Warriors games, and go on retreats together. This personal relationship building is some of the more important work we do. 

We go to conferences and connect with our allies throughout the state. Many of our youth have never seen an elder who looks like them, who’s been through more than them, become a positive figure for change. That exposure to our allies is one of the greatest things about being part of the Dream Beyond Bars Fellowship, because youth see that they’re not just a part of the CURYJ family, they’re also part of our statewide family. 

Maya: Thank you for mapping out some of the work that you all do. I’d love it if you could say more what accountability means within the Dream Beyond Bars group.

Daniel: Palabra is one of the teachings that we share with our youth. The person on the block that gets the most respect is the person that you can depend on for their word. We take that same mentality that youth grow up with, and we transform it into our environment. Accountability is how you stick to your word. If you say you’re going to do something, do it, and communicate. If you can’t do it, just be straightforward from the beginning and we’ll work around it. Accountability is palabra

The second part of accountability is compassion. Everyone in the group, including myself, has struggles, has a life outside of work, and we’ve got to have compassion for each other. If we need to delay the meeting because somebody’s having a bad day, we need to work around that. Not one person creates change, it’s the whole team, so we have to learn to be more cohesive, hold each other accountable, be straight up with each other, and call each other out on stuff in a thoughtful way. 

The last piece of accountability that we talk about is that when you’re representing CURYJ in Sacramento and you’re an older person teaching to the young people, it’s not just a job. What does it look like if you did all that and then the minute you leave you do something that makes the organization look bad? That’s accountability too. Now that you’re part of our family, you also represent us, and you have to uphold yourself to a higher standard. We also recognize that we’re in the Bay Area where the cost of living is super high, and the career pathways can be limited for people of color. So we’ve definitely got to show up in a very professional way.

Maya: I can really feel the impact of the values that you’re sharing – the palabra, the compassion, and the importance of upholding yourself to a higher standard as you move through the world. The three things you mentioned made me think about how we hold police accountable. What does it mean for police to be true to their word, be compassionate and uphold a higher standard. 

Daniel: Young people want equality and equity. If one of our young people killed somebody and they were sentenced to life in prison, that person has to live with that punishment every day in their life. But when a police officer kills somebody, they can go back to work a few weeks later. If they get fired from that job, they can still get a job being a police officer in a different county. Where’s the accountability in that? Where’s the equality? Where is the humanity? Being a police officer has a great deal of responsibility. They carry weapons that can take lives and they often escalate situations to be life or death that don’t need to be life or death, situations that could just be talked out or resolved non-violently. 

You can become a police officer in less than two years, but you have to go to medical school for eight years. In addition to that, officers are often hired from outside of the communities that they’re serving. They don’t have the relationality so they don’t feel accountable. They look at the people they “serve” like they’re different. We should train people who are formerly incarcerated to intervene and bridge relationships in their own communities. . 

The issue is also bigger than the police officers. We have to hold the decision makers who make the rulings to defend the police officers accountable as well. They’re shielding officers from accountability and rubber stamping the police departments’ budgets. Somebody who uses EBT or collects unemployment can barely get their basic needs met by these social programs. And yet, police budgets are growing all the time. Where is accountability and equality in that?

Everything I’m sharing are things that our elders have been saying for many years. 

So much harm has been done by police, that our communities don’t look to them for safety. We know what we need to be safe. 

When we talk about police accountability, we also talk about the fact that you can’t take down a system without implementing a new one, which is why we bring young minds together to imagine a world without police. Who is going to step in if there is a life and death situation? 

That’s our outlook on police accountability. We have to put pressure on and work with decision makers but at the same time, we have to be at the table with people from our communities to create the solutions.

Maya: Last weekend was the first weekend of the 2020 Bioneers Conference. I organized a panel on Dreaming Transformative Justice and Abolition, and the facilitator was a person named Liz Kennedy. During the panel, Liz quoted Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha from a Roundtable Discussion on Abolition and Disability Justice who said that, “Abolition means replacing a gun with an ecosystem.” I really hear that sentiment in what you’re sharing about police accountability, and how communities are building the relationships, processes, and structures to take care of themselves and their communities. In your work with young folks, how do you see personal healing connecting to collective healing, especially for someone who has experienced or perpetrated harm in their community? 

Daniel: I think we can’t go to the next step without focusing on ourselves and our healing. It’s unfortunate that a lot of times when people get incarcerated, it’s a pause in their healing journey and it doesn’t have to be.

Here’s one way that I explain personal healing to my young people – you know those days where you’re just angry, and you’re just mad for anything? Sometimes you’re mad for your ancestors, it’s not necessarily your own pain. It’s generational trauma. We can feel that pain from seven generations before us. And if you don’t resolve it now, then you can pass it down to your seed, and you’re going to keep spreading that in our community. We have to decide when it stops, and it stops with us.. 

In the beginning of doing this work, I would go to a legislative staffer, spill my guts out and share how I felt, just to barely see a head nod. I’d go home to my community where all these things were happening and it was traumatic. 

Relationships before tasks. Work on your relationship with yourself before you work outside of that, work with your family before your community. If you’re not in the right headspace, I can’t expect you to show up and share your story with a legislative staffer. To me, this personal healing is what makes our other work all the more powerful. It’s a journey. It’s not just a week or two years or five years. Healing is a process for the rest of your life. You’re going to continue to experience trauma and you’re going to continue to experience healing. It’s how life is. We have to know the mechanisms to cope with it.

Maya: What do you learn from the Dream Beyond Bars fellows?

Daniel: I learn to treat every day like it could be the last. Every day, I learn something from the fellows. I cherish the relationships, not just with them but everyone, because you honestly don’t know if it’s the last day you might see somebody. 

Maya: What gives you hope right now? From where are you drawing strength?

Daniel: Right now I’m drawing a lot of strength from my family – my partner and the baby to come. We have some new dope staff members and all these young people in the program who are stepping into their leadership. Looking at it from this perspective, my life really amazes me and makes me happy. There are moments that I feel like we’re just constantly losing and fighting a battle we’re never going to win. But seeing younger generations fight for what’s right, voting, and hitting the streets really motivates me to show up harder for them.

Maya: On that panel I mentioned earlier that took place at the Bioneers Conference on transformative justice and abolition, the four speakers were really feeding off of each other, and they kept on saying, “We’re on the winning team! This is the winning team right here! We’ve got this!” There’s so much work that’s been done around abolition and transformative justice for so many generations. It’s not an easy road to do both on the ground interpersonally and on a structural level in a still very white supremacist country. To hear how these four organizers were affirming each other and believing in this work gave me a lot of hope too. 

 How is your work with CURYJ changing moving forward? 

Daniel: Our organization is at a growth point. The pandemic made us realize that we could be hit with something at any moment and there’s always going to be crisis modes. So CURYJ is working on a capital campaign to buy a building in the next couple years. As an elder of mine always says, we’re land based people without land. CURYJ is really trying to become a more stable and permanent fixture throughout East Oakland. You’ll be seeing more of us in the next years to come. 

Maya: What vision do you have for your work? 

Daniel: My vision for the work that I do is to close youth prisons and build youth leaders. I hope to one day see a society that invests more in education, prevention and alternatives compared to incarceration. We can’t reverse the trauma caused by colonization but we can make changes to improve the lives of young people and their families by showing young people how to heal themselves. I envision a community that throws away old punitive practices of shame and embraces and prioritizes healing and humanity. 

Let’s Get to Work: These Initiatives Will Make You Inspired

This article contains the content from the 2/01/2021 Bioneers Pulse newsletter. Sign up here to get the newsletter straight to your inbox!


As we watch the machinations in D.C. — a new administration, compelling executive proposals, familiar bickering and gridlock — it’s important to remember that, while we are witnessing a new beginning, the real work that needs to be done will be built on the foundations created by so many of us in progressive circles, pushing for values, policies and frameworks that support a vibrant humanity living on a healthy planet. As we usher in a new year and a new administration, we also return to the old. Old challenges and old wisdom to push toward new innovations. A meeting ground in which our ability to forge a new path forward is tested.

This week, we’re highlighting some of the foremost challenges facing the nation and the world — and offering transformative solutions straight from the most recent Bioneers Conference.

We’ll hear from community leaders who are proving the power and impact of grassroots climate action at the community level. And, as the national political class debates economic stimulus packages, we learn what’s bubbling up in the New Economy right under our noses. Read on for bold, collaborative visions of a truly democratic future.


The New Deals We Need Now: Green, Red and Blue

Although the New Deal of the 1930s rescued many from poverty and laid the foundation for a social safety net, it was also deeply flawed in that it excluded Black Americans and people of color from many of its programs. As the vision for a Green New Deal to tackle the climate emergency and restructure our economy has evolved, it is imperative we avoid the errors of the past. The rising calls for a Red New Deal inclusive of Native America and a Blue New Deal for our threatened oceans and coastal communities.

In this truly original and dynamic conversation, we will learn about these emergent, interweaving movements with some of their thought leaders.

Watch and read more here.


The Power of Community: How Citizens Can Be the Change They Want to See in the World

The climate change ship has left the harbor, and what confronts us is the urgent need to accomplish multiple goals simultaneously: reducing greenhouse gas pollution, returning carbon to the soil, uplifting environmental justice in communities of color, and building resilience throughout society to face these crises.

Luckily, there are people and projects all over the world providing effective pathways forward for integrated climate action, using “whole problem” approaches. Hear from just a few of them in this conversation, who are outlining revolutionary blueprints for the next wave of essential work we need to do.

Read more here.


2020 Bioneers Conference Media Hub: Watch & Share Now!

For our 31st – and first ever virtual – conference, “Beyond the Great Unraveling: Weaving the World Anew,” Bioneers showcased many of the most visionary and practical solutions afoot today, and many of our greatest visionary innovators, including the greatest people you’ve never heard of.

Now we’re sharing this collection of media from the 2020 Bioneers Conference with the world! Visit our Conference Media Hub to watch videos of our amazing keynotes, read transcripts of our talks, and more.

Browse the collection now.

P.S. We’ll release all 2020 Conference performance recordings later this week! Check back frequently and follow us on social media to be one of the first to watch.


The Emerging Transformation: Practical Strategies for Systemic Local, Regional and National Change

Many Americans sense that fundamental change is occurring in our country. In communities nationwide, there has been an explosive growth of practical, new, transformative and reparative economic, ecological and institution-building initiatives. This outline of a “next political-economic system” is quietly building just below the radar of everyday media awareness, just as the New Deal was built upon new thinking developed in state and local “laboratories of democracy” in the decades before Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency.

This conversation with four leaders of The Democracy Collaborative, a laboratory for the democratic economy, will present an overview report from the frontlines of this dynamic movement, which promises to usher in a new era of radical, system-altering change.

Watch and read more here.


Making Democracy a Habit

At a time when support for democracy is declining in the U.S., undemocratic institutions like the workplace can instill a fatalistic outlook that erodes democratic sentiments and leaves us open to manipulation by demagogues.

Will Flagle, senior research associate at Democracy Collaborative, explores solutions that communities are using to “flex their democratic muscles,” such as cohousing and minipublics.

Read more here.


Sacred Plants in the Americas II: Global Psychedelic Summit

You’re invited to Chacruna’s upcoming conference, Sacred Plants in the Americas II, on April 23-25, 2021!

This global virtual summit will bring together Indigenous leaders from throughout the Americas, as well as researchers, practitioners, community leaders and other experts from around the world, as they discuss the potential benefits and harms of the globalization of psychedelic plant medicines. Together, we’ll explore how to engage in reciprocity and honor the Indigenous cultures and traditions that these medicines come from.

Learn more and register now!


The Latest from Bioneers.org:

  • From Democracy Now!: “Joe Biden Canceled Keystone XL. Indigenous Leaders Demand the Same for the Dakota Access Pipeline” | After President Joe Biden issued an executive order on his first day in office canceling the Keystone XL pipeline, pressure is growing from Indigenous leaders and environmental groups for the new administration to do the same with the Dakota Access pipeline, the controversial project that sparked the historic Standing Rock uprising in 2016.
  • From Barron’s: “Why U.S. Workers Need a $25 per Hour Minimum Wage” | Democrats want to raise the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2025. But the Center for Economic and Policy Research calculated that if the federal minimum wage increased at the same rate as productivity since 1968, it would be over $24 an hour today.
  • From Grist: “Biden just put the US back in the Paris Agreement. Now the pressure is on.” | The United States is rejoining the Paris climate agreement, fulfilling one of President Joe Biden’s earliest campaign promises and generating sighs of relief around the world as governments struggle to keep the planet’s temperature from surging to even more dangerous levels. But now the real work to curb greenhouse gas emissions begins.
  • From Civil Eats: “Biden’s Climate Plan Relies on Farmers Who Are Often Climate Skeptics” | The administration says the USDA will be a linchpin of its climate strategy, and farmers are waiting to see what support they will get to help meet new goals.
  • From Emergence Magazine: “The Serviceberry: An Economy of Abundance” | As Robin Wall Kimmerer harvests serviceberries alongside the birds, she considers the ethic of reciprocity that lies at the heart of the gift economy. How, she asks, can we learn from Indigenous wisdom and ecological systems to reimagine currencies of exchange?

This article contains the content from the 2/01/2021 Bioneers Pulse newsletter. Sign up here to get the newsletter straight to your inbox!

The Power of Community: How Citizens Can Be the Change They Want to See in the World

At the core of key issues facing society today — including climate change, the loss of biodiversity, economic inequity and racial injustice — is the economic drive to maximize profits irrespective of the impact on ecosystems and human communities.

Rather than serve the people who constitute the backbone of the economy, many of our existing systems serve corporate interests. Working-class Black and Brown communities bear the brunt of this injustice, consolidated by a plethora of –isms.

Beyond simply standing against this inequity, innovative leaders at a variety of levels are working to support collective citizen engagement to build power within disempowered and marginalized populations.

“It is very important to recognize that equity isn’t just the recognition of racial or cultural divides, but also thinking about it in terms of how we can develop sustainable long-term relationships across a plethora of different issues.”

-LIL MILAGRO HENRIQUEZ

How Equity-Based Action and Incremental Implementation Can Create Lasting Change

Community grassroots leaders are aligning their strategies with equity and longevity as focal points. Prioritizing equity forces organizers to account for the ways that systems of exploitation position groups of people in an unequal political landscape. Rather than give everyone the same resources, equity-based action recognizes that diverse communities have equally diverse needs.

Here, three leaders discuss how they are incorporating equity-based approaches and ensuring resilience in their own initiatives.

Lil Milagro Henriquez, Mycelium Youth Network 

Lil Milagro Henriquez

In 2017, Lil Milagro Henriquez founded the Mycelium Youth Network, an organization that prepares youth of color in the East Bay Area for climate change. Located on unceded xučyun territory belonging to the Ohlone Nation, the Mycelium Youth Network fosters localized community resilience by providing S.T.E.A.M. (Science, Technology, Engineering Arts and Math) and Indigenous educational programming. Henriquez represents a growing movement of youth pushing for a transformational overhaul of how we fundamentally relate to each other and to the natural world.

Henriquez’s youth-centered approach redefines equity by challenging organizers to rethink how they enact community action.

“It is very important to recognize that equity isn’t just the recognition of racial or cultural divides, but also thinking about it in terms of how we can develop sustainable long-term relationships across a plethora of different issues,” says Henriquez.

Rather than simply invite youth to the table, the Mycelium Youth Network puts youth at the forefront of community activism. Henriquez’s work is showing that young people are capable of making waves in their communities when they are treated as serious changemakers with innovative visions of the future.

“For us it’s about, how do we provide resources, empowerment? How do we center what youth care about?” says Henriquez. “Not so we can get to what we care about, but instead recognizing what they care about. When they start suggesting the solutions they want to see, they will generally be more radical, more in-depth, and more comprehensive than anything that I or any policymaker or planner can even think about because they’re seeing their lives within a larger context.”

Trathen Heckman, Daily Acts

Trathen Heckman

Trathen Heckman is the founder and executive director of Daily Acts, an organization that partners with local governments to build social infrastructure in collaboration with community grassroots movements to tackle climate change. Heckman helped launch Climate Action Petaluma, an organization that later succeeded in passing a climate emergency resolution and creating a subsequent climate action commission in May 2019 for the city of Petaluma, California. 

Heckman also emphasizes the need for an equity-based approach to community action: “An equity lens was used throughout the entire emergency resolution. It contains 2030 zero-emissions and zero-waste targets, urban sequestration, and it addresses consumption-based emissions. It includes a strong focus on community engagement with the goal of creating a climate action network to build long-term, inclusive engagement.”

Heckman’s efforts built a grassroots movement that was able to rally local governments to take action on climate change.

“Because the City was willing to dance with the community and engage new voices and leadership, we have a half a dozen amazing climate commission members bringing their expertise, and we have dozens of community members that created a climate emergency framework for the City,” says Heckman. “As we start to open up in these ways, we can tap the full wisdom and expertise of our youth, of our frontline community members, of our businesses, our organizations, and that’s the kind of change and mindset and approach that we need to really rise into this moment.”

Brett KenCairn, Urban Drawdown Initiative

Brett KenCairn

Brett KenCairn is the director of the Urban Drawdown Initiative and senior policy advisor for Climate and Resilience in Boulder, Colorado. Beginning with research into the role cities can play in carbon drawdown, the Urban Drawdown Initiative sees carbon as a solution rather than a problem. KenCairn has worked with the Urban Drawdown Initiative to launch a campaign to introduce a policy agenda to Congress that will invest resources into an equity-driven urban forest initiative. The campaign seeks to sequester carbon while also creating jobs. 

“Rather than just thinking about carbon as a problem we’re going to take out of the atmosphere and put somewhere, we want to capture that carbon and manage it into living systems in ways that accentuate the kind of critical systems we need,” says KenCairn. 

KenCairn’s theory of change is an incremental approach, working across sectors and ensuring all progress has the ability to last. “Our plan was really an incrementalist-oriented plan. We have so little time left now that we have to really get down to the systems-level changes,” says KenCairn. “Climate change is not a problem, it’s a symptom, just like social justice and energy system failures and biodiversity problems. In order to change this, we have to change the rules of how the economy works, what it values and what it prioritizes, and what it punishes and prohibits.”

Systems changes must also be backed by economic longevity, says KenCairn. “Unless we figure out how we’re going to create a sustained economy around this development, it will not be sustained. We might get a lot of money in a short period of time to plant a lot of trees, and then those trees might not survive. So we have to be thinking about this from a much more systemic and broad-scope way: How are we going to build a new sector that refocuses that economy and makes it emphasize paying people to do this work?” 

Making a Deeper Impact through Collaboration

Federal and state governments are consistently juggling several crises and urgent issues that often feel disconnected from the needs of communities. Forward-thinking grassroots advocates are connecting their high-priority issues to governmental priorities, sparking resource allocation that benefits communities.

Brett KenCairn found that by framing the Urban Drawdown Initiatives campaign as an economic recovery effort, collaboration with policy leaders became easier. “There are lots of intersections between the kinds of economic and social and public health crises that the public sector is facing, and the kinds of changes that we need to be making as a broader society,” says KenCairn. “We’ve launched our project as an economic recovery effort because we know that the highest priority of the government right now is putting people back to work. So we started there, but it happens to be directly related to how we’re trying to achieve our climate goals.”

According to Trathen Heckman, a big part of achieving cross-sector success lies in finding the right allies. “A key thing is having champions in government, from staff to elected officials,” he says. “It’s finding a person who’s open to being a champion and being open to educating them or getting educated to build your relationship.”

Heckman also emphasizes the need for community organizations to participate in both implementation and advocacy work. “A lot of times a nonprofit will do either implementation work, or they do advocacy work,” he says. “But doing these things together — doing the boots-on-the-ground installation of gardens or meeting the needs of the existing government for water conservation — and then encouraging them to innovate or evolve more quickly while bringing expertise to the table can be more effective.”

Grassroots organizers and community-based organizations have also formed the basis of many electoral campaigns. The 2020 election season was historic, largely due to the Black and Indigenous organizers who worked to elect officials who represent community interests. 

Lil Milagro Henriquez says this work is done in service to marginalized communities and must constitute a cultural shift in the fundamental mode of relation: “How are we thinking about the long game? And I don’t just mean how do we get a particular bill passed or how do we make sure there’s enough energy to make sure that X policy gets through the door. I really believe that if we are going to have the radical change that we need, we need to start shifting our very culture so that change is demanded from the grassroots on up. And that grassroots organizers and activists feel educated and empowered enough to be able to feel comfortable having a voice at the table.”

Growing Movements with More Community Support

At the heart of community organizing is engaged citizens who feel empowered to fight for progress. Community organizers and leaders face the challenge of drawing community members into the fold to amplify their impact.

For Lil Milagro Henriquez, attracting citizens to engage and organize starts with being a compassionate, engaged community member. “If you want people to care about the issues that you care about, then you need to care about the issues that they care about,” she says, “which means you go to their events, you live within the community, you have conversations with people, and you’re willing to be humbled.”

From there, Henriquez suggests that greater involvement comes from creating a space in which people feel safe, understood and empowered. “We think about growing our vision from within the structure of the organization. We’re predominantly a staff of color, we have people who are gender non-binary or who have access issues, and these are all things that we’re grappling with as a staff. So when we come to our community or bring in our community, when we’re in that conversation, it is not something we are learning about for the very first time.”  

Funding, says Trathen Heckman, is a huge hurdle to involvement for activists. “We can’t just have underfunded grassroots groups starting dozens of coalitions and doing all the bridge connecting in all the parts of government,” he says. “We do the best we can, and all the money won’t solve it, but we have to start directing resources to invest in building these coalitions and organizations that can think and act systemically, and be better partners for our government agencies to help create the change that’s necessary.”

The California Endowment Youth Voices For Change Awards

The California Endowment Youth Awards was created to celebrate the long-standing efforts and achievements of youth, youth groups, and youth-empowering organizations throughout California who have inspired their peers and communities while embodying the values of The California Endowment. The awards are given in recognition of young leaders whose actions impact public policies, create innovative models of service, strengthen local institutions, and inspire youth power. This year, six young leaders who have done exceptional work in immigration, education, environmental justice, LGBTQ and gender justice, ending mass incarceration, or inclusive community development received a Voices for Change Award. Bioneers asked the youth awardees a few questions to get a deeper understanding of the motivations and visions they have for their work. 

Education: Mya Edwards-Peña

Grassroots Leader of  Students Deserve

Mya Edwards-Peña is an alumni of Venice High School (Class of 2020); a member of the grassroots community organization, Students Deserve, that is dedicated to making Black Lives Matter in schools. She is the author of her first published poetry chapbook titled “Embracing the Weeds”, published by Project Knucklehead. She is a first year college student at Goucher College, striving to become a Dance Teacher and continues to be a poetry enthusiast. Mya is dedicated to using creativity and advocacy to educate around social justice issues and uplift communities of color. As a leader in Students Deserve, she highlights the transformative power of the arts and has used her creative activism to elevate Black voices, bring attention to school practices that criminalize students of color, and advocate for restorative practices.

What vision do you have for your work? 

“I vision to continue moving and liberating others through my work. I hope to become a dance teacher and have my own dance studio in order to support youth of color in dancing and moving to heal themselves from any traumatic experiences they have had or have experienced. I see myself working with students, being a support system to them by supporting their creativity, and helping them rise above racism and White supremacy.”

Environmental Justice: Kimberly Amaya

Co-founder of Youth in Action (Ya!)

Kimberly Amaya is actively advocating to ensure that her community of Long Beach, California, can live in a safe environment free from toxic pollutants. She has been passionate about protecting the environment since joining the Green Team in middle school and passionate about protecting her community since joining East Yard Communities for Environmental Justice in high school. She helped co-found YA! (Youth in Action) at her high school after learning about the environmental racism her community suffers from. She participated in the Marina Pando Social Justice Research Collaborative on a project focused on how refineries work and their harmful effects on communities. She has also participated in the planning committee for the West Long Beach Bike Toxic Tour that informs community members not only about the various polluting facilities harming the community, but also how the community has been thriving with grassroots organizing and community-based solutions. She is currently at California State University, Long Beach for a B.S. in Mechanical Engineering and hopes to work in the renewable energy sector for a future with sustainable development.

Where are you drawing resilience from for your work? 

“I continue my work for my family and the community. Clean air and water should not be something people have to fight for; stories from people in my community and from all around the world motivate me to keep going and hopefully make an impact no matter how small it is.”

What vision do you have for your work? 

“I want to be a part of the process that moves us away from an oil and gas infrastructure and into clean renewable energy. I want to be a part of moving away from a capitalist system into a regenerative system and connecting back to our ancestral roots (decolonizing our way of thinking). I want to live in a healthy, happy, green environment. I do it for future generations and for the people in my life now.”

Immigration: Jennifer Lico

Youth Leader at Central American Resource Center (CARECEN) 

 Jennifer Lico is a 16-year-old student and activist who works to defend the human and civil rights of immigrants, ensure social and economic justice, and promote cultural diversity in Los Angeles and across the state of California. She is a leading youth voice at the Central American Resource Center (CARECEN) where she explores creative, community led approaches to supporting immigrant communities and simultaneously advocates for impactful state-level policies. With family from El Salvador and Mexico, she hopes to inspire others to raise their voices for others.

Where are you drawing resilience from for your work? 

I love to know that I am helping people in any way that I can. I know that there are people, such as the migrants that are locked up in cages at the border, who can’t fight for themselves at the moment so I try my best to do what I can in order to fight for their justice and freedom. I am happy to know that I am doing something good with the privilege I have of living in the US.”

What vision do you have for your work? 

The vision that I have for my work is to get other people involved in it, especially students my age. I began working with a non-profit community at CARECEN when I was in 6th grade. I wish to see many other students who come after me to be passionate about fighting for others.”

Inclusive Community Development: Bernadette Lim

Founder of Freedom Community Clinic and the Institute for Healing and Justice in Medicine

Bernadette Lim is a community activist, healer, and daughter of Filipinx and Toisanese immigrants. She is the founder and a core organizer of the Freedom Community Clinic, a grassroots initiative that has provided free whole-person healing services combining the strengths of Western medicine and ancestral/holistic healing to 1,500+ people in the Bay Area and beyond, particularly people of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color communities. She is also the co-founder of the Institute for Healing and Justice in Medicine, creator and host of the Woke WOC Docs podcast, and founder of the Freedom School for Intersectional Medicine and Health Justice. By day, she is a third year at UCSF School of Medicine and recently earned her Masters at UC Berkeley School of Public Health through the UC Berkeley-UCSF Joint Medical Program. She graduated from Harvard University in 2016 with cum laude honors. In the future, Bernadette aims to continue expanding whole-person healing for under-resourced communities through holistic healing and primary care.

Where are you drawing resilience from for your work? 

 “I am rooted in the strength of my loved ones, ancestors, and generations before me who have fought for the freedoms I live and breathe everyday. I also take a good amount of time to heal, rest, and care for myself as a revolutionary act in the midst of capitalist systems that seek to only see my value through the lens of labor and non-stop grind. As I take care of myself, I clearly realize that our future must be one that is rooted in joy and community, so I do my best to embody that as much as I can.”

What vision do you have for your work? 

“I vision creating a community health movement that creates accessible, whole-person healing spaces led by and for Black, Indigenous, and Brown communities that combine the strengths of ancestral/Indigenous/holistic healing with the strengths of Western medicine. I work towards a future where each person affirms that rest and community healing is part of protest and revolution. Ultimately,  I vision and work towards a world where each person is cared for, affirmed, and loved.”

LGBTQ & Gender Justice: Chiqui Diaz (Photo)

Board Member of Beyond Differences, Social Justice Fellow at the Spahr Center

Chiqui Diaz is a youth activist and a high school sophomore from San Rafael, California. She has always been passionate about social justice, and has been very active in her community since middle school. Chiqui is a teen board member of Beyond Differences, a youth led social justice movement working to end social isolation. She is also a social justice fellow at the Spahr Center, a Marin agency dedicated to advocating for the needs of the LGBTQ+ community and people living with HIV/AIDS. She is a strong believer in the power of storytelling, empathy, and youth voice, and she is very passionate about LGBTQ+ and all human rights.

Where are you drawing resilience from for your work? 

“For my work, I draw resilience from  the supportive community of my loving friends and family, the strong community of other amazing activists fighting for systemic change, and the incredible community of other LGBTQ+ folks that I am so grateful to be a part of. The work that I do is not easy work. Change comes slow, and sometimes it feels like we are losing more than we are winning. It is so easy to give up and lose hope. At the end of the day, though, hope is all that we have. I have hope in humanity, and when I feel like that that hope is slipping away, I turn to my community. My incredible community full of kind, strong, and extraordinary people that help strengthen my hope every single day. It is because of community that I do this work, and it is in community that I find resilience.” 

What vision do you have for your work? 

“My vision for my work, on a broad level, is to abolish systemic oppression. I dream of a world where society places no limits or norms on LGBTQ+ folks or any other marginalized person, where they are not only free to thrive as their authentic selves, but they are celebrated for it in all aspects of life. I dream of a world where queer joy flourishes and greatly outweighs queer oppression. I know, however, that we are far away from this goal. It is not lost on me that the day that I found out I had received the Youth Voices for Change Award was the same day that Amy Coney Barrett was confirmed to the Supreme Court. With this in mind, I have another hope. I hope that we can reach a point where it is not only the marginalized who are fighting for an end to systemic oppression, but those who hold the power and the privilege of the dominant identity as well. I hope that those with privilege recognize the importance of this work and make an effort to actively participate and fight for the rights of others. Because until all of us are truly equal, none of us are truly free.”

Ending Mass Incarceration: Peter Elias

Youth leader with Fathers & Families of San Joaquin

Peter Elias is committed to dismantling the school-to-prison pipeline, closing youth prisons, and elevating youth justice. Growing up on the East Side of Stockton, CA—a community notorious for being over policed and under resourced—Peter’s lived experiences have made him a warrior for change. From mentoring other youth to organizing in his community of Stockton to being an instrumental voice in front of legislators, Peter continues to be an agent of change and youth leader with Fathers & Families of San Joaquin. Through his work with the organization, Peter met Brandon Harrison who galvanized him to step up for himself and others.

What vision do you have for your work? 

“My vision for my work to be able to guide youth in the right direction and not into the system also to dismantle the school to prison pipeline.”

Making Democracy a Habit

By Will Flagle, Senior Research Associate at Democracy Collaborative


Will Flagle

The recent election has brought renewed attention to the undemocratic nature of institutions like the Senate and the Electoral College. Yet the lack of democratic accountability within our day-to-day institutions—like our workplaces—has gone unremarked.

Today, many have lost faith in the ability of citizens to wield collective power. But this perspective overlooks important context. Without the opportunity to exercise power in our daily lives, our civic capacities are weakened and left untapped. At a time when support for democracy is declining in the United States, undemocratic institutions can instill a passive and fatalistic outlook that erodes democratic sentiments and leaves us open to manipulation by demagogues. But this needn’t be the case.

Practicing democracy is like exercising a muscle: the more one does it, the easier it gets. People who vote in one election, for example, are more likely to vote in the next one. Expanding arenas for practicing democracy can help individuals strengthen their democratic capacities.

Workplace democracy, participatory budgeting, cohousing, and “minipublics” like Oregon’s Citizens’ Initiative Review program provide individuals with the opportunity to experience shared power or deliberate together over matters of collective importance. Research shows that practicing democracy can build a sense of political agency and boost political participation.

Daily life for many is deeply undemocratic. “Democratic institutions have been mere ornaments in the social life of the advanced capitalist nations,” observe the economists Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, “proudly displayed to visitors, and admired by all, but used sparingly. The places where things really get done—in such core institutions as families, armies, factories, and offices—have been anything but democratic.” Such an environment undermines our democratic potential and makes apathy a rational response. Why develop civic capacities—why inform oneself about political issues or learn how to engage in productive dialogue across difference—when one’s day to day experience communicates one simple message: your voice doesn’t matter? Without a say in the institutions that structure their lives, many feel powerless.

Yet a sense of one’s own ability to effect political change is crucial for democratic participation. Fatalistic individuals—those who feel they cannot make a difference—have lower support for democracy and research has found holding fatalistic beliefs to be predictive of support for authoritarianism. An environment where many feel disenfranchised, therefore, is ripe for demagogic manipulation. Passive spectatorship can turn into anger and resentment paired with a willingness to defer to the whims of a “strong” leader who won’t bother with democratic niceties. But such outcomes are not inevitable.

Getting a regular democratic workout

Within the economic sphere, worker cooperatives give employees the opportunity to learn democracy by actually practicing it. Employees own and control such firms on the basis of one person, one vote—they elect their board of directors and, in some cases, participate in more direct, day-to-day decisions. Research from Japan, the U.S., and Poland has found that democratic attitudes, values, and capacities can spill over beyond the workplace. Another study, based on survey responses by 14,000 workers in 27 countries, found that increased workplace voice is associated with a greater likelihood of voting, participating in political groups, petitioning, demonstrating, or boycotting. The study suggests that going from a workplace where employees have no say in how their firm is run to one where they have full control increases the probably of voting by more than 4 percentage points—a difference that is comparable to the impact of the most effective get out the vote tactics. Research shows that increased workplace democracy is also associated with a stronger sense of political agency, interest in politics, and support for democracy.

Participatory budgeting offers another venue for practicing democracy. In operation since 1989 in Porto Alegre, Brazil, participatory budgeting allows residents to direct substantial sums of investment in their city or neighborhood. Today, participatory budgeting exists in more than 1700 cities worldwide (including New York, Chicago, St. Louis, and Greensboro, North Carolina). Democratizing investment decisions can strengthen civic capacities by providing the opportunity to develop deliberative skills and make a tangible difference in one’s community. One study found that participatory budgeting participants are about 7 percent more likely to vote in future elections.

Cohousing also provide a space for honing civic habits. Within cohousing arrangements, families and individuals maintain their own private homes, yet are part of a broader community with shared spaces, activities, resources, and responsibilities. Members plan, deliberate, and decide on their collective existence. Research suggests that cohousing members can increase their civic skills and sense of agency, promoting political participation. Specifically, Berggren found an association between participating in cohousing activities (like meetings) and increased regularity in writing to congress, contributing to political campaigns, and campaigning door-to-door.

“Minipublics” like Oregon’s Citizens’ Initiative Review (CIR) provide another possible arena to cultivate democratic capacities. The Oregon CIR selects a demographically balanced, random sample of voters to discuss a state ballot measure, interface with experts, and then write up a short statement sent to every voter to help guide their decisions. Evidence suggests that deliberative spaces like those in the CIR can increase a sense of political efficacy and democratic participation. In a 2015 study of the Oregon’s Citizens’ Initiative Review, participants reported an increased understanding of political issues and sense of political efficacy. They were also more likely to volunteer in their community and discuss issues with other community members.

Deliberation appears to support other democratic skills and mindsets as well. Research has found that in the right environment everyday people have the capacity to engage in well-reasoned decision-making and find common ground across cultural differences. A participatory budgeting campaign in Mongolia that utilized deliberation among randomly selected residents found that—after deliberating—participants had more respect for those with whom they disagreed and exhibited a greater willingness to compromise. 

Such “minipublics” —where randomly selected residents can deliberate on issues—have been implemented widely, including in California, Texas, Canada, the UK, and Germany. While many are only consultative bodies that do not make policy, they can still have significant political impacts. A citizen’s assembly in Ireland, for example, played a role in helping resolve their country’s longstanding impasse over abortion.

There are also opportunities to give minipublics more political power or influence. Some have proposed bicameral legislatures, with one house composed of elected representatives and the other a “sortition assembly” occupied by randomly drawn citizens. Others have suggested giving minipublics the ability to set the political agenda by putting proposals on the ballot for voters to decide.

Democracy as a way of life

The examples of workplace democracy, participatory budgeting, cohousing, and minipublics are not exhaustive of the possible spaces for individuals to flex their democratic muscles. The philosopher John Dewey saw democracy as a “personal way of individual life,” borne of the habits, attitudes, and character traits cultivated—or corrupted—by  “all the relations of life” including those within families, firms, schools, and religious institutions. In 1937, Dewey cautioned that:

Wherever [democracy] has fallen it was too exclusively political in nature. It had not become part of the bone and blood of the people in [the] daily conduct of its life. Democratic forms were limited to Parliament, elections and combats between parties. … unless democratic habits of thought and action are part of the fiber of a people, political democracy is insecure. It can not stand in isolation. It must be buttressed by the presence of democratic methods in all social relationships.

As we have seen, there are many ways to invigorate our democratic marrow and inoculate our body politic against authoritarian or technocratic infection.

Expanding democratic venues has one benefit not yet mentioned: freedom. Why do we limit self-rule to the political sphere and not the economic sphere or other areas of social existence? At the heart of democracy is the idea that liberty requires collective self-governance. Whether power is wielded by a corporation or a state, those affected deserve democratic accountability. If that is the case, if people should ideally have a say in the institutional decisions that effect their important interests, then the reach of democracy is unjustly constrained at present. Providing people with the opportunity to practice democracy in the workplace, the domestic sphere, the municipal budget, and empowered minipublics advances liberty when it gives people more control over their lives. And it just might increase their sense of personal agency, their level of civic participation, and their faith in democracy at the same time. Our body politic is sick. As John Dewey once wrote, “the cure for the ailments of democracy is more democracy”—just not more of the same.

Watch & Share Keynotes from the 2020 Conference Now!

This article contains the content from the 1/15/2021 Bioneers Pulse newsletter. Sign up here to get the newsletter straight to your inbox!


As we closed out a tumultuous year, the 2020 Bioneers Conference was a much-needed gathering around solutions to our biggest social and environmental challenges.

Now we’re sharing this wisdom with the world. We’re excited to announce the release of all 2020 keynote addresses! Visit the full collection here.

This week, we’re featuring just a few (not an easy choice!) of the incredible talks from this event, with leaders from a variety of fields share their guidance on critical issues like Indigenous rights, feminist climate leadership, and more. Check out the featured talks below and stay tuned for more as we unpack and share the collective wisdom from the 2020 Bioneers Conference. 


Cutcha Risling Baldy: Indigenous Voices for Decolonized Futures

“At the heart of this decolonization has to be land return. We don’t need to think about that as the last step, like after we’ve decolonized our minds, our curriculums, our movies, our TV shows, our clothing, then maybe we’ll finally get to the return of land. I say let’s start with the return of land and know that it’s possible, and it’s powerful, and that it’s going to be the thing that changes the world.”

Cutcha Risling Baldy is a professor and the co-founder of the Native Women’s Collective, a nonprofit supporting the revitalization of Native American arts and culture, researches Indigenous feminisms, California Indians and decolonization.

In this keynote talk, Cutcha explores how Indigenous peoples are leading the way in developing strategies for climate resilience. She provides a three-step approach to re-imagining climate and environmental justice in California and beyond, focusing on concrete actions that challenge us to dream better futures together.

Watch Cutcha’s full keynote here.


Racial Justice Beyond Trump: Confronting an American Legacy

This panel brings together leaders in the areas of voting rights, technological futures and immigrants’ rights to discuss where we should focus racial justice efforts for the Biden administration, and how everyday Americans can re-imagine ways of healing the fractured soul of our nation. Racial justice advocates reflect on the question, “How do we address setbacks posed to racial justice over the last four years, as well as institutional racism that persists and has never been addressed in the nation’s history?”

Read more here.


Trathen Heckman: The Power of Small for Big Transformations

“We can build the resilience to stay awake and engaged in the great work of remaking our lives and world through an infinite procession of itsy, bitsy small actions and efforts. The power of small is much bigger than you think. But we have to believe, and we have to invest, and we have to keep leaning in.”

Trathen Heckman is the founder and Director of Daily Acts Organization, a non-profit dedicated to “transformative action that creates connected, equitable, climate resilient communities.”

In this keynote talk, Trathen reflects on how we can nurture hope, build power, and contribute meaningfully—even while the world confronts multiple, epochal crises. Though these problems seem larger than life, our greatest power may lie in our closest communities, in small daily acts of courage and conviction.

Watch Trathen’s full keynote here.


One Earth: Integrating Climate Action and Biodiversity Conservation into a Blueprint for a Livable Planet

This panel discussion weighs the vast biodiversity of our planet—the underlying fabric supporting all life on Earth—with the solutions we need to slow plummeting biodiversity rates, accelerating extinction of various species, and reverse the grim prognosis of climate change. Watch this panel now to hear climate leaders reflect on new projects that are providing a roadmap to sustainability, including the Global Safety Net, which focuses on Indigenous stewardship and grassroots action.

Watch here.


Ayana Johnson: The Feminist Climate Renaissance: Truth, Courage, and Solutions for the Climate Crisis

“We need transformational leadership to transform society, with this clear task science has set before us. We need feminist climate leadership, which is wide open to people of any gender. This is where possibility lives — possibility that we can turn away from the brink and move toward a life-giving future for all.”

Dr. Ayana Elizabeth Johnson is a Brooklyn native marine biologist and policy expert. Her mission is to build community around solutions for our climate crisis.

In this keynote talk, Ayana explains how she developed a passion for marine biology and ocean conservation. She draws from the brand new anthology of wisdom by women climate leaders she co-edited with Katharine Wilkinson, All We Can Save: Truth, Courage, and Solutions for the Climate Crisis, to share her vision of how emerging forms of honest, heart-centered leadership can help humanity address the greatest crisis it has ever faced.

Watch Ayana’s full keynote here.


The Latest from Bioneers.org:

  • Kim Stanley Robinson on his book ‘The Ministry for the Future’” | The Ministry for the Future is the latest novel by legendary science fiction author Kim Stanley Robinson. In this interview with Bioneers Senior Producer J.P. Harpignies, Robinson discusses the inspiration for this book: a remarkable vision for climate change over the coming decades.
  • Money and Myth: Supporting Local Food Systems to Reinvent the Economy” | Woody Tasch, founder of Slow Money — a nonprofit organization catalyzing the flow of capital to local food systems — is reimagining what it means to reinvest in people through the development of local food systems. Here’s an excerpt from the prologue of his latest book, “AHA! Fake Trillions, Real Billions, Beetcoin and the Great American Do-Over.”
  • Using the Pandemic as a Catalyst for Change: Advocating for Herbicide-Free Campuses and Non Toxic Spaces” | Now is the optimal moment for schools to prioritize health and social justice. Herbicide-Free Campus writes this essay about their commitment to upholding a new caliber of safety — and only through ending the use of toxic pesticides in public green spaces can we truly achieve that goal.

This article contains the content from the 1/15/2021 Bioneers Pulse newsletter. Sign up here to get the newsletter straight to your inbox!

Interview with Kim Stanley Robinson about his book “The Ministry for the Future”

The Ministry for the Future is the latest novel by legendary science fiction author Kim Stanley Robinson. In this interview with Bioneers Senior Producer J.P. Harpignies, Robinson discusses the inspiration for this book: a remarkable vision for climate change over the coming decades. Note: The text below is an edited version of the actual interview.

J.P. HARPIGNIES: Stan, was your most recent book, The Ministry for the Future, a departure for you? The climate series you did was pretty close topically and in time, but somehow this had more of a sense of immediacy and the emotional stakes felt a little higher to me, but perhaps I’m misreading that?

KIM STANLEY ROBINSON: Ministry is in the same time frame as Green Earth, and it’s even the same as Antarctica, which I wrote back in ’97. But this time I decided to try to go right for the heart of the problem, and I would say that I’ve never done that before, placing a story in the near future, and going right at the main issues facing us,  without distancing them in one way or another.  Like in Green Earth, they’re dealing with an abrupt climate change, the Gulf Stream stalling, which was something on the table around 2000, but isn’t the main thing that’s going to hammer us; it’s a kind of derivative effect. So Ministry is not dissimilar to those earlier books, but I decided that it was time to put all my cards on the table and go right at it.

JP: You’ve often happily claimed the title of a utopian novelist, and this is definitely utopian in its outcomes to some degree, because we find humanity grappling with this crisis more successfully than it has so far, but it’s really quite Machiavellian in the path to that utopian outcome, which is extremely dark in some ways. Some of the pressure points and the ways that humanity is forced to deal with the issue are extremely, intensely violent. So how did you feel about that, the wrestling between the utopian and Machiavellian elements in the narrative?

STAN: Well, I conceptualized it as being a utopia that you could still believe in, and that made it hard. That made it like a double bind almost, because we’re in such a tough situation now, and it’s not looking good. We’re not on the right course. So I wanted to portray a best-case scenario, but it seems to me that to make it something that the reader can still believe in, starting from now, bad things are going to happen, and there were going to be people impacted so horrifically by the climate disasters coming down on us inevitably. They’re going to be a lot angrier than we more prosperous people are in the developed world, such as here in California.    

 And so I thought these things are going to happen, and if they are targeted effectively, they might be part of the solution. They might drive history in ways that I’m not comfortable with. I would rather see non-violent resistance and changes in the law, by legal means, by way of democratic action and legislative change, but I think that we’re headed into some decades where there are almost certainly going to be disasters, and then violent reactions to the disasters, so it was a kind of realism, put in there both to share my fears of what’s coming if we don’t react faster than we are, and also to create a kind of plausible feel to if we are going to get to a good place.

My definition of utopia has changed: avoiding the mass extinction event would be a utopian success for this century. Further improvements can come after that, but avoiding the worst might be the best we can do.  So this was my intention.

JP: It reminded me a little bit of John Brunner’s 1960s novel The Sheep Look Up that included violent eco-resistance movements and that was really ahead of its time.

STAN: John Brunner’s four novels, Stand on Zanzibar, The Sheep Look Up, The Jagged Orbit, and Shockwave Rider, were amazing volumes, appearing in the late ‘60s and early ‘70s. Much of what we’re in right now he called out very accurately. He used John Dos Passos’ style of novelization, one that includes multiple points of view and lots of characters talking, which I’ve used here and that I used also in 2312. So Brunner’s very important. Sometimes those books are called the Shockwave Quartet, but I think Stand on Zanzibar is the most famous title of that group. They’re all long enough that it would be hard to put them all in one volume, but they should be a box-set that people look at to remember that the stuff that we’re facing now is not surprising, that 50 years ago the stuff we’re facing now was foreseeable, a known problem that we’ve been dodging for 50 years rather than facing, so that by now it’s gotten that much uglier.

JP: Yeah, even Alexander von Humboldt had early discussions of possible human-induced climate change in 1800, so it’s far from completely new, that’s for sure.

One thing that was fascinating for me was that some of the main vectors of positive change that you selected were unusual. One was India. After a horrible catastrophe, you project a sort of post-Modi progressive India leading the way in many domains. And also central bankers take on a very important role, with the “Carbon Coin” and the “New Monetary Policy.” Those are not what most people would pick as two of the most likely main positive vectors of change.

STAN: Well, with India, I wanted to stick with the trouble that I had inflicted on them in the first scene and not just abandon them. In story terms, it seemed very important to me to say, look, if something that bad happened as I describe it happening in India, because they are one of the places most susceptible to this sort of lethal “wet-bulb 35” heat index event, then I wanted to follow it and stick with it. And there are very many hopeful signs in India, despite Modi, despite the BJP and the RSS. Yes, they, like we in the States, have a very powerful rightwing reactionary nativist political party that is really dangerous, but they’re also a democracy and those guys could get voted out.

And since I published Ministry for the Future, we have seen a general strike in India that is being very poorly reported in the West, where astonishing numbers of people have walked off the job on the same days to object to Modi’s racism and his brutal rightwing approach to the problems that are facing India and the world, so I think the potential for India doing some good things is there, and I wanted to follow that.

Then when it comes to the central banks, we have a financial problem. The good technology that needs to be built and put into place as fast as possible to de-carbonize our economy doesn’t make a profit, and therefore it won’t get done, because we are in the neoliberal late capitalist order where profit rules. If it doesn’t make a profit, it won’t happen, and investments won’t go there, and therefore we are screwed. But we have seen quite spectacular huge monetary quantitative easing events in 2008 and now 2020. And some economists—not me; I don’t think up these things; I’m more a reporter than an idea guy—are talking about carbon quantitative easing, which is all very well, but the central banks would have to believe in it, and they’re not constructed to believe in it. So I have to, in my novel, put them under enormous pressure, political pressure and physical pressure too. I have to make it so that if they’re going to stabilize interest rates, they have to save the world.

 So to me it’s a little bit hilarious that these banks, with their very tight monetarist and capitalist purviews, which are just to stabilize money and hopefully help with employment rates, may quickly find themselves in a situation in which saving the biosphere becomes intrinsic to their own crazy little project. So part of the science of this science fiction novel is financial technologies, and I’d done enough work on that in Red Moon and in New York 2140 that I felt capable of grappling with what that might imply in terms of storytelling and in terms of thinking about it.

JP: Another interesting angle on that whole banking aspect of the narrative is that you focus a lot of the novel in Zurich. Have you spent a lot of time in Zurich, because there are some loving, very intimate descriptions of that city?

STAN: Yeah, my wife and I lived there exactly 35 years ago, arriving at the end of 1985, and we spent 1986 and 1987 there. We were young. We didn’t have kids. My wife had a post-doc at the pesticides and waste disposal part of the ETH (note: ETH Zurich is a public research university). It was a very romantic time for us, not that it’s a particularly romantic city, but when you’re young, newly married, no kids, in Europe, you know, it was for me very much the Hemmingway “go to Europe and write your novel” time. Those two years were the first time I was a full-time writer, and I’d never had an opportunity to write about Zurich before at any length, so when I was talking this book over with my editor, he said you need some kind of local anchor, because the narrative is going all around the world. You need to give it a local habitation and a name, so to speak, and I thought of Zurich immediately because of the work that Switzerland has always done in hosting UN-based operations, so it was a great relief to be able to write about Zurich as a character and as a space.

JP: Yeah, I could feel the intimacy: it didn’t feel like you just did some reading about Zurich. It felt more embodied.

STAN: I actually think you couldn’t do what I did there without having lived there. I’ve often written about places I only researched, from Mars on, but to be able to call on those lived memories and literally 35 years later write about it was truly joyful. My wife and I returned there in 2016 after an absence of 30 years, and it was just mind-boggling to go somewhere that you loved that you hadn’t seen for 30 years, and basically your whole life had passed by in seemingly a snap of the fingers, and yet Zurich was much the same. It was a beautiful experience, and I think those feelings about the place got into this book.

JP: Switzerland is, in the book, another one of those positive vectors. There’s something about the Swiss efficiency and that country’s history of being a locus of global institutions that makes it another kind of positive character in the book. I think Switzerland’s a bit underappreciated. I mean, yes, it’s got some troublesome history with all the stashed Nazi gold and some intensely conservative, racist streaks here and there; and they only gave women the right to vote in 1969, but there are also some really interesting aspects to Switzerland. There’s more ancient history there than most people realize, and it was also a very poor country, even in the 19th Century, which has a lot to do with their thriftiness and embrace of banking.

STAN: I appreciate that. I’m very interested in Switzerland. They do have a dark understory of being the bagman for the criminals of the world in their banking. They have some things they have to come to terms with, like many countries do, so it isn’t all sweetness and light. It’s definitely not just a Heidi story, but what I like is that four different cultures are mixed there and interact with each other. And although they do have a rightwing nativist strand, especially in the mountain cantons, by and large, I mean, when you think about it, they are a population of roughly eight million where some three million are from other countries. That’s a gigantic percentage. You would think they’d be even more anti-immigrant than they are, but in fact, the bulk of their thrust as a country is fairly progressive and open to the world.

JP: Another interesting angle in the book is, I thought, the view of China. China’s not a strong vector of positive change the way India or Switzerland is portrayed, but it’s fairly benign. Many contemporary prognosticators tend to project a classic “Thucydides trap” with a likely war between the U.S. and China, the declining and the rising power, but in your book’s scenario the Chinese central banker winds up playing a kind of positive role working with the Mary Robinson-like figure, Mary Murphy. You had to have based her on Mary Robinson, no?

STAN: In fact, I called her Mary Robinson in my first drafts, but I realized that was going to be a little bit too inappropriate, so I changed it to Mary Smith, but my Irish friends said: “You can’t call an Irish person Smith. It’s too English.” And so I said, well, what name should I choose? And they said Murphy, so that’s what I did.

But, yeah, China: I tried to write about China in Red Moon and it kind of crashed my brain. It was too big and complicated to understand. I have an urge to be in sympathy with China. I like its culture. I like its long history. I like Chinese people. I like Chinese poetry. They too have a dark underside, and as a leftist, I have to say the Chinese communist party needs to trust its people more, needs to make sure that political representation is widespread in China. And Mao was better at this in some ways than Xi. It’s a really complicated picture, and they’re doing some awful things, at home and around the world. But if you try to think of it from their point of view, the United States of America has the biggest military on Earth by a gigantic percentage and holds within its borders about 70 to 75 percent of the world’s capital reserves, even though it’s only five percent of the world’s population. So since the fall of the Soviet Union, you can really talk about a single superpower from the ‘90s on ‘til now, and single superpowers don’t like challenges to their supremacy and can get pretty hostile.

China has so many problems. It has a lot of people, but it has a lot of problems. I think it’s just struggling to get out of its own century of humiliation and to continue to get its people out of poverty. In other words, they’re not so doctrinaire. They’re not particularly communist. They’re “crossing the river by feeling the stones,” as Deng Xiaoping put it, and that’s an old Chinese phrase. They did become the working class of the world for a while, developing a huge manufacturing infrastructure. They’ve got 1.4 billion people, one person out of every seven on Earth. So they’re feeling their way forward with ever more sense of confidence and power, and the United States, as a nation state, is hammering on them. And now, 75 percent of Americans don’t like or trust China; 77 percent of Chinese don’t like or trust America. I don’t think that there’s any good reason for this mutual distrust, and that it’s stupid to talk about a new Cold War. I don’t think that China is a country intent on taking over the world. In many ways, in their history, they’ve been the least imperial great power in the history of the world. By and large, China has just does its thing by way of trading with the rest of the world. They have not done like America. They didn’t do like Mongolia, which took them over for a while.

So I don’t think we need to fear China in the way that certain parts of the American machine are trying to make us fear China. It would be better if both sides could ratchet down the tensions and look to solving climate change together as the two big carbon emitters. If China and the U.S. were to make a détente and an agreement to work together in harmony, you could demilitarize a bit, you could work on climate together, you could quit with this nonsense.

But I also feel that China is too big and complex to understand. My Chinese friends, when I gave them drafts of Red Moon, I told them that I don’t understand China, and they said that if you say you understand China, you haven’t been paying attention, because even we don’t understand China and we don’t know what’s going to happen in the next 10 minutes, and we’re Chinese intellectuals.

JP: Obviously, if you’re Tibetan or Uyghur, China might not seem so benign. One’s view depends upon where one sits.

STAN: It’s been a perpetual issue in China. There’s always been a Muslim West in China, but it used to be quite well integrated. The Han majority in Mao’s time was willing to celebrate its 55 ethnicities in the Chinese borders, so this has gotten worse, and the same with the Tibetans. I have been very involved with the Tibetan cause. It’s another place where China’s just doing things wrong. The fact is that all these big nation states are somewhat monstrous and trying to impose forms of nationalism, which is not a very useful way to go at the world. It’s one of the ways in which Switzerland is kind of a great model: they have four languages and four cultural groups, and they just get over that and cooperate. And so in that sense, many little countries are doing better than the big monster countries.

JP: Yeah. I really admire that aspect of Switzerland because I’m half Belgian and the Belgians linguistically just can’t get along at all. One aspect of Switzerland is that the German-speaking majority, as reactionary as it can be at times, is also fairly generous in some ways. For instance, I learned recently that in art and media policy, in which there is separate German, French, and Italian (and a little bit for the tiny Romansh-speaking population) programming, the budgets allocated to the French and Italian-speaking arts programs and TV stations and media are far in excess of their percentages of the population. The German majority is willing (granted, as long as they mostly control Zurich and the capital flows) to be extremely generous in cultural allocations to help ensure inter-ethnic stability. One wonders if other majorities could emulate this model, if the Han could be far more generous and accepting of the ethnic minorities in China, for example, but of course Switzerland is a tiny little country full of remote mountain valleys.

STAN: But I think it could scale. I think the analogy is good enough, that China ought to pay attention to countries like that and see what can happen when you’re generous to all your minority populations. I believe that the Swiss Germans are still traumatized, and there’s a long cultural memory. There was strong resistance to Hitler among many of them: many shared the idea that we are not Aryan supremacists but liberal European modernists, and it was very important to them as German speakers to distinguish themselves from notions of Aryan supremacy. And they also got wiped out by Napoleon and partially conquered by France back in 1810 or so, so they’re aware that bigger countries can steamroll them and that they need to be ready to resist.

JP: And it goes back even further: their national founding myth with William Tell was a rebellion against Austrian domination.

STAN: Yeah, for a predominantly German-speaking nation, they are impressively, meticulously tolerant of their French, Italian and Romansh minorities.

JP: Some of the positive models you draw upon to imagine a more sustainable future society reminded me a little bit of Huxley’s last novel Island, even though that took place on a much smaller scale. You describe organic regenerative farming, cooperative economics in the style of Mondragon, and so on. And your descriptions of initiatives in Sikkim reminded me a little bit of Helena Norberg-Hodge’s work encouraging local economic development in Ladakh. You also cite Kerala as well, as a model of a well-run “progressive” state in India as another element to draw from.

But then some of the darker elements of the narrative reminded me a little bit of some cyberpunk fiction, especially the use of high-tech by rebellious groups. Terrorists’ uses of drone technology take on a very big role. So, there again there’s a tension between very positive models of a future with effective, humane governance, clean tech, regenerative agriculture on the one hand, but the appropriation of terrifying high-tech/AI-based weapons by violent resistance movements.

STAN: That’s definitely in there. I think that drones are just by their very nature quite dangerous and easily weaponized, but what I wanted to suggest in this book was that we’re in an all-hands-on-deck situation, that we’re in such a dangerous moment that there’s no longer any cause to criticize other solutions that might sound radical or strange. The narcissism of small differences is no longer appropriate, because we might need everything. We might need these small new compact nuclear power plants. We might need some geo-engineering. We might need to sabotage all the coal plants on the planet when we think we can still provide electricity in other ways (because electricity is now a necessity; there are so many people on this planet that we wouldn’t be able to stay alive without gigantic amounts of electricity). So these are problematic questions.

What made me think of this was that we need all hands on deck. Any possible decarbonization and horizontalization of power, any way towards justice and sustainability ought to be put on the table and tried. And I would hope to avoid political violence. I would hope that a book like mine serves as an idea machine to point out that some of these supposed solutions might be very bad and might have a backlash worse than the solution itself while others might be very necessary and need to be attempted and therefore funded as soon as possible.

So I made a novel that is in some ways a bit incoherent. Rereading it after it came out, I was noticing how the decades don’t follow logically one to the next. There’ll be some progress, then there’ll be another depression, or there’ll be five years of world history in a compacted form that don’t naturally follow from the dramatized scenes that just preceded them, etc. Well, I think I did that on purpose. Part of it was out of my control, but partly I think I wanted to create the feel of our real history, which is chaotic. Everything’s happening at once. It could be great or it could be a total disaster, and that range of possibilities is inherently disorienting and destabilizing so in the end, you can just feel confused. At least I do. Like, okay, does that mean that we’ll forge some kind of middle course that muddles through between disaster and prosperity? Well, no, not necessarily. It seems like unless you get it together, all the other options are quite bad. So this is one of the things that I was trying to suggest by a novel that imitated the world’s incoherence.

JP: I definitely want to get to that question of the style of the writing in your novel, which seemed quite different than a lot of your other work, but first you just mentioned geo-engineering, a very controversial topic that is one element of the plot of your book. There are two main types of geo-engineering in the narrative: one is the seeding of sulphur-dioxide in the atmosphere after the India heat catastrophe; and the other one is the pumping of water from underneath glaciers, a sort of re-glacialization. Atmospheric seeding is one approach people have discussed a lot, but I hadn’t heard about that other option. Is that something that’s been discussed in scientific circles? How did you select that particular technology?

STAN: Well, it actually hasn’t been discussed at all. It’s a private communication from a glaciologist acquaintance of mine. I’ve been to Antarctica twice, and the glaciology community is relatively small, so, by the luck of the draw, I have some good contacts among the glaciologists of the universities of this world, and I’m very interested in their work, and one of them was saying to me: ”Look, the plan you sort of suggested at the end of the Green Earth trilogy to pump seawater back up onto the Antarctic ice cap to stabilize sea level: that’s impossible.” And he ran the numbers for me, and indeed it’s too much water. It just shows you how big the oceans are on this planet: a one centimeter rise in sea level would be 3,600 cubic kilometers of water—such a gigantic mass that you couldn’t get the pipelines or the energy, or the area on Antarctica’s ice cap to put that water back up there in any practical way.

The thing to do, he said, would be to try to slow the glaciers down. It’s not that Antarctic ice or Greenland ice is melting outright in the sun and turning into water and running into the sea: what’s happening is that those glaciers are speeding up in their slide down into the ocean, and once they hit the ocean, they melt very quickly. The speeding up—almost a factor of ten– is being lubricated at the bottom. There’s a little bit of melt of the glaciers, and that water drops down moulins, these vertical rivers. Cracks in the ice become conduits for meltwater from the top to get to the bottom of the glacier, at which point they’re on a water slide and they’re moving 10 times faster than they were historically. He said that if you could suck that water out from the bottom of those glaciers, that would be maybe only 30 cubic kilometers of water, which is a lot, but it isn’t 3,600; and then you might be able to slow them back down to their previous speed and help stabilize sea level. I said, “Fabulous! Why haven’t you published?” And he said, “I don’t want to be a geo-engineer. I want to be a glaciologist.”

He was acutely aware of the fact that those climatologists who propose geo-engineering initiatives get involved in intense battles that take over their whole careers. He didn’t want that, he wanted to stay on the glaciers and to be a glaciologist, and he said, “Look, Stan, this is your role; the science fiction writer should be writing this, not me.” So I said, “I can use the idea?” And he said, “Please, please. Put the idea out there.” So in effect, this is a new idea, and I checked it with other glaciologists. Some of them said it would completely depend on the configuration of the rock bottom underneath each glacier. Is it a canyon or is it a big sloping plain? But there certainly are a lot of glaciers that would be good candidates for this, that you would probably be able to slow down by this sort of method, but it would be a massive undertaking.

Now solar radiation management, which is the most famous geo-engineering technique, has been proposed and attacked. A lot of people hate the idea of solar radiation management. I don’t think it’s rational to hate it. I think you imitate a volcanic eruption like Pinatubo’s – this is how people usually talk about it. Pinatubo erupted in 1991 in the Philippines. Temperatures were depressed by about a degree or two Celsius globally on average for about five years, and then the dust settled out of the atmosphere and we’re back to where we were before. Nobody proposes it as a single, silver-bullet solution to our problems. Everybody studying it proposes it as an emergency. If you get to those temperatures that are killing people outright, you might want to do it. You’re not going to create a Snowpiercer effect. That’s not physically possible. You could try it to see whether it dings the monsoon, which is one of the major fears about it. Five years later you would know and the effect would be over. You’d either say: “Let’s do it again; that was a cheap fix and we’ll give it some time.” Or you’d say: “Oops, bad idea; we’ll never do that again.”

I think there’s an irrationality on the environmentalist left, which is where I live – I’m a leftist and environmentalist, and I think if you’re a leftist, you ought to be an environmentalist; and if you’re an environmentalist, you ought to be a leftist. But in that crowd there’s an intense aversion to even discussing any geo-engineering ideas.

JP: Well, there is a legitimate fear that the fossil fuel industry covertly and overtly will use geo-engineering as an excuse to delay de-carbonizing. They like to promote techno utopian ideas that we can use technological means to transcend the climate crisis, so why bother stopping to burn fossil fuels. That’s the fear.

STAN: I understand that completely. That’s the moral hazard argument, but what I’m saying now is that that’s an argument from 10 or 15 years ago. Now we are in an all-hands-on-deck situation, and if we were to geo-engineer, the requirement to de-carbonize as fast as possible wouldn’t go away. First you de-carbonize, and if people are dying en masse because of heat levels rising too high, maybe you try some of these emergency geo-engineering methods. They are not a silver bullet fix, a get-out-of-jail-free card. None of the serious scientists studying these approaches think that geo-engineering would allow us to go on doing what we’re doing.

JP: Another technology that becomes very important in your book is the AI-guided “pebble mob” bomb, a sort of more advanced octave of M.A.D. (mutually assured destruction). You sort of create a situation in which war becomes almost impossible at a high level. It’s certainly scientifically sound in its conception, but it serves a bit as a deus ex machina because the impossibility of most war creates the conditions for a more viable future. 

STAN:The pebble mobs is a kind of a trick out of my novel 2312, and I’m pleased to say that my great colleague, Iain Banks, was very envious that I had thought of it first, because it’s kind of an Iain Banksian thing, of AI intelligence taking over. And for sure, if you were using the entire solar system as your range, and you wanted a whole bunch of kilogram sized meteorites to arrive at the same place at the same time, you would need super computers of the utmost order, quantum computers. But on Earth, if you wanted a hundred drones to end up at the same spot at the same time, I think we could do that now.

And I think that actually modern warfare is so effective offensively that we are in a kind of tactical mutual assured destruction already, even without pebble mobs of drones all coalescing in the last moment of their hit. Putin bragged that the Russians had hypersonic missiles that could go 7,000 miles an hour and would render any defenses obsolete. It turns out that those are on Putin’s wish list and they’re probably vaporware, but I think a bunch of drones coalescing at once, although it is my science fiction idea, I don’t think it’s very far off the mark of reality. A bunch of drones could easily coalesce right in the take-off pattern of an airplane or right at the bridge of any ship in the Navy. Navies in particular are sitting ducks. I think they are likely to be obsolete from a military standpoint. The United States in particular could afford to stand down and quit with the ridiculous Pentagon budget and try to spend some of that money on decarbonization projects, which parts of the military could play a major role in.

JP: Obama used the military for the Ebola intervention in West Africa, so, while they are a tiny fraction of the Pentagon budget so far, there are indeed examples of benign uses of military power that could be models for peaceful and “green” uses of the military machine.

STAN: I think that may happen more because despite some flash points in the Middle East, India and Pakistan, or China and India, the dangers of war tend to outweigh the benefits to the actors involved. There is likely to continue to be more asymmetrical terrorism, private groups attempting to inflict damage on much larger militaries, but I think actual formal wars between one military and another are going to be very rare going forward.

JP: I wanted to go back to the style of your book, which you started to discuss earlier. When I first read it, to be brutally honest, I thought: “This is a bit more disjointed than Stan’s usual work.” But then I began to feel that there was something almost experimental in the writing. For one thing, the multiple, shifting narrative perspectives don’t just include several of the main characters and multiple unidentified people from around the globe but other-than-human voices as well. You have a passage in which a photon discusses its experiences, just to cite one example. And there are moments that are sort of didactic or pedagogic interludes that step back from the flow of the narrative.

So while those frequent narrative shifts felt a little off-putting while I was working my way through the book, in the end I sensed that, as you mentioned earlier, the style of the text mirrored the torturous conundrums our species is facing, the severity, complexity and sheer immensity of the climate crisis, but it was definitely a different experience than what I usually feel when reading a KSR book. Almost always in your novels, one can feel your mastery throughout. Even when multiple characters take turns narrating a story, your authorial control is never in doubt, very much like in a Kubrick film, but this felt a little different.

STAN: It’s true that I haven’t ever written anything in this kind of form before. Maybe the closest was 2312, using the Dos Passos narrative format. In this case, the eyewitness accounts were a crucial discovery for me. The eyewitness account is a genre of its own, not the same as a novel, because eyewitness accounts are usually made years later, and people are being interviewed about what they saw in some crux moment in history, and they judge it. They judge it for the effect the incident had both on history and on their own subsequent lives. I began to read collections of eyewitness accounts, from, say, spring 1945 in Germany, or May ’68 in France, or the Armenian genocide, etc. I read accounts from around a dozen critical moments in history, and I began to see the format. And I thought that’s what I needed: I need eyewitness accounts from all over the world from crux moments over the next 30 years.

But a novel also has to be fun. We read novels for entertainment. And education can be very entertaining, but nevertheless I know that my books sometimes have this kind of castor oil reputation, that they’re good for you but not necessarily that much fun. It’s not quite fair because I work on fun as much as any novelist I know; it’s just that my topics are strange. In this case, what fun I could find, given how grim much of the material was, was in the play of forms. There are riddles, eyewitness accounts, dialogues, meeting notes, and then at the core, the ordinary novel, which is maybe about novella length, the story of Mary and Frank. There are 106 chapters, but when you start a new chapter as a reader, you have no idea where it’s going to be on Earth, or who’s going to be talking, or what the format’s going to be. Within a paragraph or two, you get oriented. It’s not like it’s very mysterious, but there’s a game going on there of periodically blowing up the continuity and delivering gigantic surprises.

You spoke of Kubrick. In movie terms, it’s the montage or even the equivalent of multiple screens, but luckily the novel is just one sentence at a time. You can’t really do multiple screens, but you can do montage. So that was where I was finding my fun, along with the Zurich setting. That was really fun for me. But the game of forms became the way that this novel was still a novel that one could enjoy as a novel.

 Now a lot of people have very fixed opinions about what a novel should be, and this one has blown their brains out as being too weird to enjoy. There’s nothing I can do about that. There are many ordinary novels, and they can go read those. This one is an experimental novel, and to some readers experimental novels are just called that because they’ve too weird and difficult, but in this case, I had to write it this way.

JP: You’re prolific enough that even if some of your fans don’t want to follow you in this particular path, which would be a shame, you’ll most likely have another novel out in a year or two, but I really hope readers give it a chance because original ideas are ultimately what’s most stimulating, to me at least.

STAN: Aristotle and Brecht are both very good on this, that you should never make a distinction between education and entertainment, that the two are very tightly intertwined and interchangeable. So that’s not really the problem. It turns out that many people are very devoted to closure. In Ministry of the Future I have a grab bag of disparate forms, a kind of slurry of forms. Well, many people like to have a sense of continuity in a narrative voice that is a little more coherent, but that’s okay. I have to try a lot of different things.

 And my actual fans, which is maybe a smaller crowd than you might imagine, they are used to me doing different things in different books, so they are perfectly happy with this book. When I wrote Aurora, people were saying: “Oh my gosh, the narrator is an artificial intelligence, and that’s a natural mode for Stan. He had no problem whatsoever faking that because all of his novels feel like a computer AI wrote them.” And so I realized that I have a reputation as being a little bizarre or maybe a little obsessed as a novelist and that I’ve got quirks. And so this is fine. I’m at novel number 20. There’s nowhere for me to hide. My habits are clear. My sentences are always KSR sentences, as they say. There’s nothing I can do about it. And so I have a great affection for my fans because they like what I’m up to, but I know some consider me weird.

JP: I wouldn’t call you weird compared to, say, Philip K. Dick. There are far weirder sci-fi writers than you.

STAN: Well, nobody’s weirder than Phil Dick; he’s the ultimate, but he’s weird in content. When it comes to form, he’s a very good novelist, and what he does is third person limited from about four different characters. And I’ve followed Phil Dick’s form most of my career. The typical Dick novel is about 20 dramatized scenes, and they come from about four or five radically distinct points of view, and that’s how you get his magical three-dimensionality, but he’s always writing like a bat out of hell. He writes like a commercial fiction writer of the 1950s because that’s what he was. The weirdness is all in the content, the reality breakdown that is at the center of his plots.

But as to how my work is perceived, I’ve become reconciled. There are 10,000 novels published a year, every year, so to stick out, you have to be unusual and peculiar, and I can’t help it anyway, so I’m perfectly happy, and the book has been getting a good reception. Even the people who are thrown off by it seem to be unsettled by it in useful ways.

JP: Yeah, it’s gotten good reviews well beyond the world of sci-fi, in such places as The Guardian, so I think some of the leading progressive press is taking you seriously as a thinker about the climate crisis, which they should, of course.

I wanted to say one thing about Aurora. I’m somewhat of a neo-Luddite. I don’t even have a cell phone, but I was actually really moved by the relationship in Aurora between the super computer and the woman who was the matriarch of that journey, and how she took it upon herself to prepare the machine to see future problems generations hence long after she would be dead. It was almost like she was raising a child on some level. I was actually very touched by that, so I had the opposite reaction to your writing like an automaton.

STAN: I must say that I quite enjoyed writing from the point of view of an artificial intelligence, because that’s your classic camera eye point of view, in workshop terms. We would talk about the camera eye point of view where the narrator doesn’t know what the characters are thinking, and can only report appearances. Well, this was the pure product of a camera eye point of view. And also, Aurora was kind of a prison novel in some senses. And so there, again, the fun came out of formal considerations on my part. Once the computer was telling the story, I was having way more fun than I was when I had a conventional narrator. So I had to rewrite every sentence when I had that discovery, but that was a good thing because it made the novel that much more interesting, I think.

JP: I also loved how Aurora completely deconstructed the idea that we’re ever going to live in other star systems. I thought it offered the ultimate destruction of that ridiculous idea.

STAN: Well, thank you, and of course that is what generated the intense anger against the novel from that part of the science fiction community or the space cadet community that feels humanity has to go to the stars or else we’re failures. They really hated that book, but that was okay too, because I wanted them to hate the book. If they had liked it, I would have made a mistake.

JP: Of course, the quality of one’s work is often defined both by who one’s enemies are and who one’s friends are. Stan, this was great, but is there anything you want to say in closing before we wrap up?

STAN: Well just to close, I want to say thanks to Bioneers for all those invitations. The recorded keynote talk I delivered there is one of my best, and I’ve also really valued the party of Bioneers, the meeting of people, the wandering, the space over there, and I hope it comes back. The whole thing about the pandemic is our social lives have been dinged in a really profound way because we are a social primate species, and gathering in groups as at Bioneers is part of the fun of being human. It’s the technological sublime to a certain extent, but it’s also the old-fashioned sublime of a big crowd of people together. So I just want to say thank you, and that I look forward to the reconvening of the physical Bioneers, you know, as soon as possible.

JP: Let’s hope. I miss the embodied world quite a bit myself. Thanks a lot, Stan, and I encourage everyone to read Ministry for the Future and all of Stan’s great books.

Why We Need Healing and Reconciliation

Foreword from Alexis Bunten, Indigeneity Program:

Indigeneity is a Native-led program within Bioneers that shares Indigenous solutions to our most pressing social and environmental issues. We welcome all people to re-indigenize by learning from Indigenous teachings and the experiences of your ancestors. Maija West and I have had many conversations about the healing lessons we each gained by returning to the homelands of our European forbearers who immigrated to the United States and now, we explore ways to heal while sheltering in place. We invite you to take a first step to reconcile and heal from recent events in our nation’s capital.


Maija West

By: Maija West
January 12, 2021

The January 6, 2021 events in Washington DC have been a tragic undermining of the democratic process,  and we are all still very much in shock, as the impacts of that day continue to unfold.  And while President Trump recently called upon a “healing and reconciliation” in a speech since January 6th’s events, what we are talking about is quite different.  

Our democracy was built on laws much older than many of us can comprehend, which should be cherished and made better with the participation of all. But also we cannot move forward until we reconcile the past by healing from the harms of colonization.  

Quite simply, this view is about the “why” of the “what.” 

When I heard the news on the morning of January 6th, I was meeting with two Indigenous leaders on the deck outside of my home, grateful for the sun that helped warm us as we did our best to gather safely with both masks and jackets on, always trying to find that delicate balance between safety and connection in these changing times. We were gathering on the topic of healing and reconciliation and how to best tell the story of our country’s history from an Indigenous perspective.  

In response to the morning’s events, one of the leaders reminded me of an often forgotten part of the origins of our country’s principles of governance. The Great Law of Peace came from the Iroquois Confederacy, and it is part of what makes our country’s democracy so unique. Terri Hansen summarized it here:

“The Native American model of governance that is fair and will always meet the needs of the seventh generation to come is taken from the Iroquois Confederacy. The seventh generation principle dictates that decisions that are made today should lead to sustainability for seven generations into the future. And Indigenous nations in North America were and are for the most part organized by democratic principles that focus on the creation of strong kinship bonds that promote leadership in which honor is not earned by material gain but by service to others. In the plains, there was great honor in giving your horses to the poorest members of the tribe. The potlatch still practiced in the Pacific Northwest is another example of voluntarily redistributing wealth to those who have the least.”

[Source: Terri Hansen]

The “What”

The “what” is the deep division in our Country, historic and laid bare once again. The “what”  shows up in our deadlocked partisan process and in leaders shackled from being able to pass meaningful legislation. It shows up in powerful structural ways that have always existed.  The “what” are the laws that formed this country. The laws of taking and broken promises.  The “what” includes those who benefited from the taking and the brokenness. Those who could own land, vote and had free agency given based on circumstance and timing under the arc of our Country’s history.  

The “what” is inherited history in each of our unique ancestral lines. Lessons implanted so deeply it takes decades for their roots to materialize.  

Perhaps you, like I, have grappled with these issues most of your life, or perhaps you are just now arriving here with us, wide-eyed and feeling the powerful emotions of anger, grief, shame or panic. I feel that I carry both with me now, a combination of both knowing, and not knowing, the “what”. In any case, what I want to share today is the “why.”

The “Why”

I have had the opportunity to live in rural communities with a strong Indigenous presence most of my life.  The principles of governance that contributed to today’s democracy are supported by underlying core values that can feel quite different than the way many of us were raised.  When patient Indigenous friends and advisors subtly and permanently planted these values within my heart, something changed in me. I started feeling hope. I was beginning to learn the “why.” I learned to use the “why” as a  tool for understanding myself and others, that which would eventually lead me to committing my life’s effort to healing and reconciliation.  

The “why” is the time we were separated from our peoples and our lands. For many reasons, we are a Country where many of us forget. We forget that before we were “white” or “black” or “brown,” most of us Americans came from a place. Another place. We were Congolese and we were Irish. We were Oaxacan and we were Basque. We were so much more than a color. We were rich cultures and languages and honored traditions. 

Though Indigenous people tried to share the Great Law of Peace with immigrants and settlers, it was received with a lack of understanding and perspective. White settlers twisted the laws which led to the harmful and destructive colonization of these lands.  

What does this have to do with January 6th, you might ask?  From the healing and reconciliation perspective, we cannot move forward until we reconcile the past by healing from the past harms of colonization.  And, when we do, it is for the benefit of all of our citizens, however they identify or affiliate.    

How can we reconcile the past, you might also ask?  To start, I invite you to join me in a nationwide challenge. Please reach out to at least two people who have political views that are different from your own. Ask them if they would be part of a dialogue with a goal of mutual understanding.  

  • Send a text or make a call and say: “I would like to talk to you about what happened on January 6th and hear your thoughts. I value you as a person and I care about what you think.” 
  • Before sending the text or making the call, notice how it feels to even consider taking this step.  Behind any fear you might feel, is there a longing to be more connected? How might you act from that longing, rather than that fear?
  • Once you agree to meet, then listen fully and be ready to clarify your understanding of what they said. When they are done speaking, repeat back what they said and add empathy, to make sure you fully heard them. Notice how you feel afterwards.

A couple of days ago, I did this very thing. I texted two women I care very much about and invited them into this very same conversation. We did have those conversations, which are still continuing today. What I learned from each of them has enriched my life and strengthened our bond. During a time where my connections can feel so threadbare,  I learned that we each love our democracy, despite its horrible failings, and that we care very much about each other. And we want our Country to stop being led by those who use the divisive language of disconnection, and we want to heal.

This suggested action is only the beginning of many, many actions we must take as citizens over these coming months and years in order to heal. But this one action is a start.  

Many amazing healing and reconciliation efforts are occurring throughout the United States right now. We seek to connect, not divide. We seek to heal past harms, not seek revenge. We are not affiliated with the government.We are not affiliated with the church. We are a people’s healing and reconciliation movement. By the people, and for the people, in honor of our need to reconnect with each other, and to get back in right relationship with the land. Everyone is welcome. Please join us. 


Maija West is an attorney and co-founder of the Healing and Reconciliation Institute.

Racial Justice Beyond Trump: Confronting an American Legacy

Too many injustices in U.S. history have remained unaddressed and unhealed. During the four years under the Trump administration, this tension has blatantly emerged in the forms of white supremacy, political polarization, and a monumental economic divide. But this moment in time has not been without mass resistance. Historically marginalized people — especially Black, Indigenous, and people of color — are leading the movement toward a democracy that works for everyone.

To exceptionalize the violence endured by black and brown people as unique to the Trump administration is to erase the historical and economic development of America as a nation. The struggle for racial justice has predated this moment in history and will continue beyond Trump. His loss in the 2020 election does not confront the systems that led more than 70 million Americans to vote for him. Understanding this is essential to critically disentangle the monolithic mythos that leads many to absolve us from facing our legacy as a nation.

The following conversation is an edited and condensed version of the Bioneers 2020 panel, “Racial Justice Beyond Trump.” Hosted by Bakari Kitwana, Executive Director of Rap Sessions and internationally known cultural critic, journalist, activist and thought leader; with: LaTosha Brown, Mutale Nkonde, and Greisa Martínez Rosas.


Bakari Kitwana

BAKARI KITWANA: Our topic is Racial Justice Beyond Trump, and we’ve brought together three amazing women leaders at the frontlines of some of the major struggles of our time: Greisa Martinez of United We Dream, LaTosha Brown of Black Voters Matter, and Mutale Nkonde, of AI for the People. Let’s start with Greisa, who has some recent groundbreaking news.

GREISA MARTINEZ ROSAS: My name is Greisa Martinez Rosas. I’m undocumented and unafraid, queer and unashamed, and I have the honor of leading United We Dream, the nation’s largest immigrant youth-led network in the country that fights for justice for undocumented people in the U.S. And just last night a district court judge in New York ruled in favor of DACA (Deferred Action with Childhood Arrivals), the program that protects me and close to one million other undocumented young people from deportation. It gives me the ability to work in this country that I have called my home, and allows me to be with all of you today. 

This is a celebration for us all because for the last four years we have withstood attacks from the Trump administration. He vowed to kill the DACA program on day one, and it is because of a black-led cross movement space that we’re in that we have been able to defend the program, and I’m honored to be on this panel with this group of tremendous black women leaders, but I know deep in my bones that immigration justice and the defense of DACA is just the floor. Immigrant justice and the fact that there are 11 million undocumented people in this country and many more refugees coming to our shores is a racial justice issue, and until we’re able to see that all our movements are interconnected, we will not be able to solve the issue, so I’m excited about the work that we’re doing together.

BAKARI: Greisa, where should folks who want to support your work and your movement be focusing our attention?

Greisa Martínez Rosas

GREISA: Only when we fully understand the connections between racial justice, economic justice, and migrant justice will we be able to solve our problems, but in this moment we are celebrating how the movement really delivered and protected and defended our democracy this November when black women, Latinos, and young people showed up to vote in record-breaking numbers and ousted Donald Trump from the White House. The Biden administration owes it to us now to ensure that undocumented young people are protected permanently from deportation and that we abolish ICE and TVP, the agency responsible for the deaths of children in detention camps and the forced sterilization of women, and, on a personal note, for having deported my father 10 years ago, so that I have not been able to see him since. People have to be free to move, to work where they want to, and to breathe.

BAKARI: Greisa, you have mentioned that one reason for the resistance to change is that there are people who profit from the status quo. Can you talk a little bit about that?

GREISA: I come to this work as a daughter of Luis and Elia Martinez. They were undocumented migrants who came here looking for an opportunity, a chance. And I remember how hard it was for my dad to be able to hold a steady job because he didn’t have papers. I remember the mistreatment that my mother had when she was cleaning houses because people thought that she didn’t have any recourse or didn’t have the ability to speak up or demand her wages when they were stolen because she was undocumented. And that’s completely typical. People can exploit immigrants’ labor because they aren’t in a position to demand justice. 

But I bring you good tidings from the young people of the United We Dream and the immigrant youth-led movement: we have joined forces with the Sunrise movement, with the movement for black lives, with many other folks that are ensuring that we are talking about a broader future that makes place for all of us, that ensures workers are able to live and work with dignity and be paid fair wages, where we are all able to breathe clean air and drink clean water and walk down the street without fear. 

During this pandemic it has become obvious that the undocumented folks stocking our grocery stores, doing home healthcare and domestic work and farm and agricultural work, are essential workers, but they are also underpaid, disposable, and unprotected. In the emergency Covid relief acts passed by Congress, undocumented people were explicitly excluded from additional economic support or healthcare access. I believe that we can birth a new country, but we have to be really honest about where we are.

BAKARI: Thanks, Greisa. Let’s turn our attention now to LaTosha Brown of Black Voters Matter. LaTosha works nationally, but is based out of Atlanta and has been intensely involved in both the national election campaign and now on the Georgia senatorial races. LaTosha, tell us what’s happening on the ground.

Latosha Brown

LATOSHA BROWN: Well, this has really been a never-ending campaign; it seems like four years straight with no stop. But to frame what’s happening in Georgia I need to back up and explain some history. The whole foundation of the run-off system in the state of Georgia is rooted in structural racism. It was specifically designed to give the white ruling class an advantage in elections, because almost always there’s a severe drop-off of participation after a national election. Only well-funded establishment candidates have in the past had any resources left to continue a campaign into a runoff election.

But this year, it’s different: as we speak, over a million applications for absentee ballots have already gone into the secretary of state’s office. I need people to understand that this is truly extraordinary. One thing that’s changed is that that we’ve started looking at black voters not just in terms of participation but in a context of power. We have to recognize that structural racism has been equally distributed across this country and not just in the Republican Party. The Democratic party has been interested in getting black votes, but when you start looking at policy priorities and appointments to positions of power, our communities don’t get their fair share. 

But this time in Georgia I want to let folks know that we are ready. We are working. We were back on the ground immediately after the national election. There are many organizations. What you saw happen in Georgia in November was not a fluke, and it wasn’t just about Trump, though Trump certainly added fuel to the fire. It’s the result of deep organizing we’ve done for the last decade. It was a multi-cultural response, which made the difference, but it’s a black-led pro-democracy movement, led by black women in particular that has been working the last 10 years to lay the foundation and shift the paradigm so that elections are not just about candidates but about people really building power. That’s the work Black Voters Matter is doing, and that’s the work that many of us have been doing in the state.

This whole notion that the South is red is no longer reflective of who lives in the South, at the changing demographics. Several of the fastest-growing cities in America, Atlanta being one of them, are more and more diverse, but we have to be innovative and proactive. 

BAKARI: LaTosha, you’ve been fighting for voting rights for years, and you were very close with the late John Lewis. Can you talk about how the Trump presidency has deepened the crisis of, and fight for, voting rights and where we need to go from here?

LATOSHA: Let’s be honest. Voter suppression didn’t start with Trump, and it’s not going to end when Trump leaves. I have been working to end voter suppression for over 20 years. In 1998/’99 I was a young candidate running for statewide office in Alabama, and I was victimized by voter suppression. The day after the election was certified, the sheriff “found” 800 ballots from a county that I had carried overwhelmingly. They were never counted. Nobody ever did anything about it. I just lost the race. The sting of that really helped sharpen my commitment to work on voter suppression. 

The key issue is structural racism. We look at anti-black racism as only impacting black people, but its harms go far beyond affecting us. What’s really ironic is that the very place that was ground zero for voter suppression just two years ago, Georgia, is now the very place that the trajectory of where democracy will go in the next four years that impacts all of us will be made; in the state where there were 200,000 voters intentionally dropped from the rolls on spurious grounds. We filed a lawsuit about  that this past Wednesday. We’ve been working hard to get them re-registered, but it’s another added barrier. Dr. King used to say that when there’s a threat to justice anywhere, there’s a threat to justice everywhere. People say it but too often they act like they don’t really believe it. 

White America has not appreciated fully that racism has undermined democracy in this country in a way that hurts us all. It’s a leading reason why, for example, the wealthiest country in the world has a weakened healthcare system that could be far, far stronger than it is. That impacts all of us, and all of us are impacted when we don’t have a solid criminal justice system, when the Department of Justice can basically become the president’s personal law firm. Whenever there is a threat to justice or a threat to democracy for some of us, it makes all of us vulnerable, so I’m hoping that in this moment especially as COVID-19 has revealed so harshly the inequities in our society, we realize how deeply we’re all interconnected as human beings; that if you want to advance democracy in this country, you can’t do it if you don’t deal with ground zero where it unravels first—structural racism.

BAKARI: LaTosha, you had a vision that you’ve been writing about called a U.S. Department of Democracy so we don’t have to keep fighting these same fights over and over again every election year. Can you explain that?

LATOSHA: Part of the reason why I think voter suppression continues to happen is because no one is ever held accountable, especially when the Department of Justice is not functioning (as we have experienced these last four years) and when the Supreme Court becomes politicized. What I want is there to be the creation of a Department of Democracy that would protect everyone’s right to vote in the same way the Department of Homeland Security was created after 9/11. I’m raising this because I have a fear that unless we have a department to focus on the defense of democracy in this country, I think we’re going to continue to see the unraveling or our democracy. I don’t think that Trump is the last of it. I think you will see it become more sophisticated and pervasive. It will continue. We have to strengthen this democracy so that it’s not just aspirational but becomes achievable.

BAKARI: Mutale Nkonde, we want to get you involved in the conversation. Please tell us what’s happening with your work around the intersection of technology, racial justice, disinformation, and our technological future. 

Mutale Nkonde

MUTALE NKONDE: Basically, what we’ve been doing at AI for the People is looking at the intersection of technology and racial justice. In this last election-year we looked at the fact that black people are often the most targeted and impacted by dis- and misinformation but that there are very few black thought leaders, black technologists and black analysts ready to respond to the toxic lies that affect us so negatively. So, in this last election cycle we followed domestic campaigns that were specifically targeting black voters. A best practice in this field is to not repeat the name of these pernicious efforts because we don’t want to amplify them, but, in this case, I want to illustrate what we’re fighting. We found a hashtag called #votedownballot that was telling black voters that they should not vote at the presidential level unless the parties met certain demands, and this was getting a lot of exposure on Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube: they were really gaining a lot of steam. 

So we looked at a dataset of about 3.5 million tweets where we identified this hashtag, and we decided we had to offer a counter-narrative. Feeding off the energy of Black Voters Matter but most specifically in an ongoing conversation with the New Georgia Project led by my dear friend Nsé Ufot, (and this was before knowing that Georgia was about to become the center of the U.S. political world very soon after), we started to think about what communications tools we could use to challenge “votedownballot.” We were able to create an alternative, domestic campaign called “Vote Down COVID” that we released the week before the election, and, to make a long story short, we were ultimately successful, getting millions of impressions and a lot of retweets from celebrities. 

We showed that when you have black people leading technology campaigns aimed at black voters, they know how to communicate far more effectively with their own communities. Our message was far more sophisticated than just “Vote for Joe and Kamala.” We acknowledged that this may not be the ticket that you dreamed of, but we encouraged people to move from just supporting candidates to understanding that voting is a part of a larger effort to build power, and we feel we now have a working model that we can now roll out with other black movement leaders and campaigns. 

We also want to do some of deep digital ethnographic work to figure out what messages were sent to black men, because black male support for Trump grew by 6 percent, and we don’t understand that yet, but if we can start to understand it, then we can build models and tools to counteract those messages. We’re actually sharing ideas with the transition team that we’ve been blessed to be able to be in touch with.

Prior to this project, I had done AI policy work in which I had looked at algorithm accountability in the criminal justice and social service systems, looking at such issues as how biometric algorithms used by police wind up criminalizing black bodies. One thing we’re doing is teaming up with Amnesty International (and Bakari’s actually a partner on that project) to look at how we can divest from these systems of technological oppression and racism as well as advocating for the protection of black folks both in the flesh and online. A very important area is the exposure of and challenge to algorithms used to purge voter rolls that are intentionally designed to exclude black voters. Our ultimate goal is to create what we call a just technological future for all, in solidarity with our Latinx, Native and trans brothers and sisters, but this helps progressive white people to. The online suppression efforts spearheaded by groups such as Cambridge Analytica, which brought us Trump, hurt all of us. I’m coming from a racial justice activist place, but my work is to let us all know when our digital systems are being sabotaged or manipulated, and then figuring out how to counteract those efforts.

BAKARI: Mutale, can you talk more about how your work intersects with policing and holding officers accountable and what folks and the Bioneers community can do to help you and your team in your work?

MUTALE: Yes, we’ve been studying how the NYPD, ICE and the FBI use biometric technology, and we’re finding that facial recognition software systems consistently misidentify black and brown folks 40% of the time. And these flawed systems were the primary way that protestors were identified and targeted after the George Floyd uprisings in NYC and across the country. It’s also one of the primary tools used in identifying targets for deportations. We’re producing a movie about this issue and engaging in mass political education as well as working with some big partnering organizations (including Amnesty International) and the Public Advocate’s office here in New York City. We have to stop governments from spending billions on these racist surveillance and tracking technologies, and that has to be part of a larger effort to redefine security and public safety in a way that doesn’t oppress people of color. 

In terms of what people can do, join our campaign. It’s called “Ban the Scan,” and we are launching it through Amnesty International around mid-January. You can go online to get information. Also, come out and support our film and come to our political education summits. Yes, we’re coming at this from a racial and economic justice angle, but algorithmic scanning is an issue that will affect all of us, and we’re working internationally as well. We have research projects in the West Bank, New Delhi, Mongolia, etc. And we engage a lot with storytelling through art, with film, video, photography exhibits, dance, etc. Especially when you’re dealing with black and brown people, change has to come through culture and through joy.

BAKARI: An audience question is asking if we could talk more about the intersectionality of racial justice, social justice, and environmental justice. 

GREISA: As Audrey Lorde taught us, we do not live single-issued lives. I don’t get to decide at what point I am queer, at what point I am undocumented, at what point I am a woman. I am all of those things all at the same time. When we think about environmental, racial, economic and migrant justice, one key to achieving breakthroughs is ensuring that those people most directly impacted are leading in those spaces. Another crucial thing is to invest in young people’s leadership. They are the ones who can create conditions in which the impossible becomes possible. We worked together, the Sunrise movement, March for Our Lives, Dream Defenders and many other young people to put forth a policy vision that brings together racial justice, migrant justice, and environmental justice. 

I think that we are birthing a new movement, and we stood up to Trump, but just because we got rid of Trump in this election does not make the 70+ million US citizens who voted for him go away, so we will have to continue to work hard to birth a new America, and that will require a broad intersectional movement that understands we’re all in this together, and it will require that black and brown organizations working at the frontlines start to receive much more funding than they’ve historically gotten. One reason we did so well in Georgia is because that began to happen a little more than in the past. But it’s also important when we do cross-racial, cross-movement work together to understand that although our destinies and our futures are intertwined, our lives and the issues that we face are different. When we respect that and try to understand each other in that way, that’s when we can thrive. Finally, unless the work is grounded in mutual joy, in the ability to have a vision beyond the mess around us to a new tomorrow for the generations of people to come, it won’t succeed, but the great women on this panel and so many of the folks who have come together these past few years give me the hope that we will succeed.


Bakari Kitwana, an internationally known cultural critic, journalist, activist, and thought leader in the area of hip-hop and Black youth political engagement, is Executive Director of Rap Sessions, which conducts town hall meetings around the nation on difficult dialogues facing millennials. A Fellow at the Hutchins Center for African and African American Research at Harvard, Kitwana co-founded the 2004 National Hip-Hop Political Convention and is co-editor of the new book Democracy Unchained: How to Rebuild Government For the People. 

LaTosha Brown, an Atlanta-based award-winning organizer, philanthropic consultant, political strategist (and jazz singer) with 20+ years’ experience in the non-profit and philanthropy sectors, co-founded Black Voters Matter Fund, a power-building Southern based civic engagement organization; is principal owner of TruthSpeaks Consulting, Inc., a philanthropy advisory consulting firm; and is the founding Project Director of Grantmakers for Southern Progress. 

Mutale Nkonde is an AI Policy advisor to the UN, member of the Tik Tok Advisory Board and CEO of AI for the People, a non-profit communications firm that seeks to change tech neutrality narratives. Previously Nkonde worked in AI Governance and was part of the team that introduced the Algorithmic Accountability Act, the DEEP FAKES Accountability Act, and the No Biometric Barriers to Housing Act to the US House of Representatives. Nkonde holds fellowships at the Digital Civil Society Lab at Stanford and the Institute of Advanced Study at Notre Dame and is an affiliate at the Berkman Klein Center for Internet & Society at Harvard. 

Greisa Martinez Rosas is the Executive Director at United We Dream, a national nonpartisan, membership-based organization of immigrant youth and allies that advocates for the dignity and fair treatment of undocumented immigrant youth and their families. The co-founder of the Texas Dream Alliance, she has been a Fellow with the League of Young Voters, a 2018 Fellow with the Opportunity Agenda Communications Institutes, and has organized immigrant youth, students and workers for the passage of pro-immigrant policies at the local, state and national level for the past decade.